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v. 8 





NO. 1-4 

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in 2015 




Ibuouenot Society of Xonbon 



Ibuquenot Society of 3Lpn6pn 

NU, i-4 



Privately printed for the Society by 




SESSION OF 1904-05. 


second ordinary meeting, 1905, January 11 .... 3 
third „ „ „ March 8 4 


SESSION OF 1905-06. 

first ordinary meeting, 190-5, November 8 143 
second „ „ 1906, January 10 .... 144 

third „ „ „ March 14 . . . .14-5 


meeting, „ May 9 . . . . 147 

SESSION OF 1906-07. 

first ordinary meeting, 1906, November 14 ... 223 

second „ „ 1907, January 9 224 

third „ . „ „ March 13 225 


meeting, „ May 8 227 

SESSION OF 1907-08. 

first obdinary meeting, 1907, November 13 ... 295 
second „ „ 1908, January 8 . . . . . 296 

third „ „ „ March 11 . . . . .297 


meeting, „ May 13 . . . . 299 



LONDON. By GEORGE B. BEEMAN . . . . .13 






IN ENGLAND . ... . . . . . . . 177 


ipapCtB — continued. 



MINET, F.S.A. . . 237 


LART . . . . 249 | - 



CHAPMAN WALLER, F.S.A. . . 280 | 









THE HUGUENOT LODGE NO. 2140 . . . . . . . 292 

THE CHENEVIX FAMILY ... . . . . ' . . 391 

PEDIGREE OF LA CHEVALLERIE . . . . . . . . 392 


MALLORTIE . . . . 393 


3nbey • • 




facing 305 
„ 340 
„ 346 
„ 348 
„ 364 
„ 384 


ART,., F.S.A. 

tr n. « t 


! , R.N. 





Vol. VIII. No. 1 




Wednesday, January 11, 1905. 

A. G. Browning, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting, held on November 9, 1904, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Captain Otto Bouvier, The Old Manorhouse, Chilworth, Surrey. 

Percy Hulburd, Esq., 124 Inverness Terrace, W. 

Allan Ogier Ward, Esq., M.D., M.R.C.S., 73 Cheapside, E.C. 

A Paper was read on ' The Huguenot Huguetans ' by Mr. 
Charles Dalton (see ' Proceedings,' vol. vii. p. 343). 







Wednesday, Maech S, 1905. 

A. G. BpwOwning, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting, held on January 11, were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Miss K. W. Jeudwine, 22 Egerton Terrace, S.W. 
Sir Alexander Brooke Pechell, Bart., Culverton House, Alton, 

Mrs. Tomlin, Angley Park, Cranbrook, Kent. 

A Paper was read on ' The French Churches of Dublin 
and their Ministers ' by Mr. T. P. Le Fanu. 






Wednesday, May 10, 1905. 

A. G. Bbowning, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting, held on March 8, were read and 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 
Hugh Wilson Holman, Esq., M.I.N.A., White Lodge, Beulah 
Hill, S.E. 

Nicolas Saurin, Esq., 20 Rue Chalgrin, Paris. 

The Annual Report of the Council was read as follows : 

Report of the Council to the Twenty-first Annual General 
~tteeting of the Huguenot Society of London. 

During the year ending in May last there were eight losses 
by death, and exactly the same number has occurred in the 
year which has since elapsed. There have also been thirteen 
withdrawals, making a total loss of twenty-one Fellows. This 
is, however, nearly compensated by a gain of eighteen 
new, so that the List stands at almost the same figure as a 
year ago, viz. 371. 

The income of the Society has amounted to 648Z. 15s. Od, 
and the expenditure to 226?. 16s. 6d., leaving a balance of 
421?. 18s. M. This is a considerably larger one than usual, 
but will shortly have to meet the expenses of the various 
publications now approaching completion. The investment 



of composition fees now amounts to 951?. 6s. -id. 2 J per cent. 

The Council regret that owing to unforeseen delays, caused 
partly by the printers, partly by illness and deaths in the 
family of the maker of the indices to some of the quarto 
volumes, it has been impossible to get these ready for issue 
before to-day's Meeting. Every effort, however, is now being 
made to overtake the work, and the Council hope it may be 
finished in no long time. These remarks apply to the third 
part of the Returns of Aliens and Threadneedle Street 
Register and to the Colchester Register. 

For the difficult work of reducing to order the mass of MS. 
notes left by Mr. Moens for the Colchester volume, and seeing 
the result through the press, the Society is indebted to the 
skill and kindness of IXr. Waller, and for the memoranda 
themselves to Mrs. Moens, who placed them unreservedly at 
the disposal of the Council. 

The concluding number of the seventh volume of ' Proceed- 
ings ? is in type, and will be issued with the new List of 
Fellows next month. 

After holding office for three years, the President is retir- 
ing, and the Council feel sure that all Fellows of the Society 
will join with them in expressing warm thanks to Mr. 
Browning for all he has done for them during that period 
especially, a3 well as throughout the whole of the Society's 
existence. Mr. Browning began his presidency by enabling 
the Society to hold a very successful conversazione, and has 
now marked its close by generously presenting the Society 
with the sum of one hundred pounds for the encouragement 
of the study of Huguenot history by the payment, from time 
to time, for Papers by historians of recognised ability to be 
read at the Meetings and printed in the ' Proceedings.' 

The Society's thanks are also due to the Treasurer and 
Auditors, who have again expended much trouble and valuable 
time in the collection of subscriptions and in keeping -and 
verifying the accounts. Their Balance Sheet is appended to 
the Report a3 usual. 

The Council cannot conclude without the expression of 



their great pleasure at the restoration to health of their old 
and valued colleague, Mr. Eobert Hovenden, Y.P., from the 
very serious illness from which he suffered through the whole 
of the past autumn and winter, and which at one time 
threatened to end fatally. They sincerely hope that in due 
time he may again be able to take an active part in the work 
of the Society, work in which, even when confined to a sick 
bed, he evinced his usual unfailing interest. 

After the reading of the Eeport the President said, — 

Our Society has just entered upon the twenty-first year of 
its existence, and I think it may be interesting to look back 
for a moment upon the days of its youth, and to inquire 
whether that bright and promising period has been wasted or 
well spent, and how far the aspirations of its Founders and 
early Fellows have been realised — whether, in fact, the work 
accomplished by the Society has been such as to justify its 
existence hitherto, and its continuance. 

To me it seems but yesterday since a few friends (I being one) 
met in council round a dinner-table to discuss, and if possible 
to remedy, a state of things that we had often deplored. It 
was the apparently waning interest taken in Huguenot history 
even by those who enjoyed the great distinction of lineal descent 
from the Confessors and Martyrs of the Eeformation in 
France, and, as a natural result of this, the increasing diffi- 
culty found by poor descendants of the Huguenot Eefugees 
in producing such clear proof of their French descent as 
would qualify them for the benefits of charities that their 
ancestors had founded expressly for them. Either as a 
Director of the French Hospital, or as a Trustee of a French 
Church or Foundation in London, I think that every one of 
our small party was engaged in the administration of the old 
Huguenot charities. 

As Huguenot descendants, then, we smarted under a kind 
of grievance ; as naturalised Englishmen we met at a dinner 
to discuss it ; as practical men we struck out a remedy r for 
we rose from that table the self -constituted Huguenot Society 
of London, with power to add to our number. But we lost 
no time in broadening this foundation. Various notices im- 



mediately appeared in the press, numbers of sympathetic 
letters were received, and within a very short time the first 
public meeting was held under the Presidency of Sir Henry 
Austen Layard, when the Society, numbering about one 
hundred, was formally constituted, a President (Sir Henry 
Layard himself) and Council were elected, and by-laws which 
had been already drawn up were approved. 

It is gratifying to una the names of thirty-two original 
members of the Society remaining to this day on the List of 
Fellows. Among them are those of Mr. Minet, who, I hope, 
will be your new President, two Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer, 
and one member of Council. 

I need hardly recapitulate the objects for which this 
Society was formed — you are ail familiar with them : but let 
us see how far they have been attained, and in doing so let 
me remind you that very nearly the whole literary work of 
the Society has been done by enthusiastic volunteers from 
within its own ranks. 

Owing to the inestimable advantage of having so learned 
and distinguished a man as Sir Henry Layard for our first 
President, and to the almost equal good fortune of attracting 
so early as in the second year of our existence Mr. Reginald 
Faber as our Honorary Secretary, the Society was soon 
recognised in the commonwealth of letters, and accorded a 
position which it has steadily maintained. 

The monograph by your late President (Mr. Moens) on the 
' Walloons and their Church at Norwich, 5 and that by Mr. 
Cross on the * Walloon and Huguenot Church at Canterbury ' 
(which was written and published at the instance of this 
Society^, are accepted as the standard histories of those 
churches. The despatches of the Venetian Ambassadors at 
the Court of France, 1560-63, which were edited by Sir 
Henry Layard and passed through the press by Mr. Faber, 
have added greatly to the available information regarding 
that troublous period, while the publication of the Registers 
of many of the French Protestant churches in France, the 
Channel Islands and England have proved an immense help 
to those engaged in Huguenot genealogical research. But 



besides the publications of the Society, the Papers read at our 
Meetings, and afterwards published in our ' Proceedings,' are 
of real value ; for they are all without exception the result 
of original research carried out and described by thoroughly 
competent writers. If by chance any of you have occasionally 
found it a little dull to listen to these Papers after dinner, let 
me offer an explanation and suggest a remedy. The writers 
of the Papers usually deal with their subject very completely — 
after the manner of enthusiastic volunteers — and I think 
that when you read the Papers as they are printed in the 
' Proceedings ' there is not much that you would wish cut out. 
But I think, too, that in almost every case it would be 
preferable to read at our Meeting a precis of the Paper, giving 
its salient points only. Considering the time and circumstance 
of the reading, this would, I believe, excite a more animated 
and vigorous interest in the subject treated, and afford a 
better opportunity than we now have of discussing any state- 
ments in the Paper that may seem obscure, or any theories 
put forward by the author that may seem heretical. 

And passing from the literary work of the Society I 
venture to hope that the second object of its Founders has 
not been altogether missed. It was ' to form a bond of 
fellowship among some of those who desire to perpetuate the 
memory of their Huguenot ancestors or who admire the 
characteristic Huguenot virtues.' Surely during the past 
twenty years many friendships have been made and strength- 
ened at our simple and informal gatherings in this place, and 
by the further social intercourse to which they have led. 

In my own small experience I have had abundant means 
of knowing that Fellowship in this Society has been eminently 
helpful to many who have desired information on matters 
relating to Huguenot history generally, or to their own French 
origin and descent ; and if in virtue of my connection with 
the French Hospital and my knowledge of its Library I have 
now and then been able to help our Fellows in their researches, 
I have been a thousand times repaid by the satisfaction of 
forwarding an object for which our Society was founded. 

So, then, I cannot help thinking that the youth of this 



Society lias been well and usefully spent, that up to the 
present its existence has been fully justified,, and that except 
in the severe losses we have sustained by the death of our 
past Presidents and many of our most able Fellows, we have 
singularly little to regret as we look back upon our brief past. 

As to the Society's future, that is very much in our own 
hands ; for it will depend partly upon the work we ourselves 
may do, and partly upon the enthusiasm that we can infuse 
into the generation that is growing up around us. This last 
is perhaps the more important factor of the two. 

To-day we are in a far better position than at starting. 
The Founders achieved the difficult task of lighting the torch, 
we have the easier task of handing it on. The experience of 
the past twenty years has been most valuable in teaching us 
much, both of our capabilities and of our limitations, and, 
quite unusually, we are richer and not poorer at the end of 
the lesson. As you have already heard, our Bankers have a 
balance sufficient to pay for the printing of a considerable 
quantity of work now nearly completed, and I am especially 
pleased to add that there will be quite enough left to carry 
through the press any original contributions that Fellows of 
the Society (possibly some now in this room) may submit to 
the Council. 

The new year of our corporate life which opens to-day 
invites us, I think, to continue the work we have undertaken 
with a fresh and hopeful energy. By an alteration in the 
by-law regulating the election of President it is now ordained 
that no President shall hold office for more than three years 
consecutively. This very wholesome rule is common in 
societies similar to our own. It affords certain relief from 
the danger of stagnation, while it offers to members of 
Council and to Vice-Presidents a more definite prospect of 
attaining to the very honourable position which by your 
generous goodwill and pleasure I have now held for three 

Perhaps I may be thought a little too previous in speaking 
of the result of an election which has presently to be deter- 
mined. The ballot-box we know has its occasional surprises. 



But I feel that I am running a risk quite infinitesimal in 
congratulating the Society most heartily on the prospect of 
being able to welcome Mr. Minet as their new President. 
From our first Meeting until now Mr. Minet has been one of 
the Society's most valuable and helpful members. In 
collaboration with his friend Mr. Waller he has contributed to 
our publications the Registers of the Protestant Church at 
Guisnes, near Calais, from 1668-1685 and those of the 
French Church of La Patente, Spitalfields, besides reading 
Papers on various subjects at our Meetings. I sincerely trust 
that Mr. Minet will be unanimously elected, and that for the 
full term of three years he will occupy the Presidential Chair 
to the very great advantage of the Society and to his own 

I have now only to thank you again for the many kind- 
nesses and courtesies I have received at your hands during 
my now expiring term of office. 

The ballot was taken for the Officers and Council for the 
ensuing year with the following result : 

Officers and Council for the year May 1905 to May 1906. 

President — William Minet, F.S.A. 

Vice-Presidents — The Plight Hon. the Earl of Eadnor ; 
Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; Robert Hovenden, F.S.A. ; 
William Wyndham Portal, F.S.A. 

Treasurer — Pteginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary — Peginald Stanley Faber, F.S.A. 

Members of Council— -Lieut. Henry T. A. Bosanquet, 
R.N. ; Arthur William Crawley-Boevey : Lionel Cust, M.V.O., 
F.S.A. ; Henry Gervis, M.I)., F.E.C.P., F.S.A. ; Major j- 
General E. Renouard James, R.E. ; Major Hugh Sandham 
Jeudwine, R.A. ; Edward Heathcote Lefroy ; E. Sydney 
Luard ; Henry Merceron ; the Rev. George W. W. Minns, 
F.S.A. ; Joseph Henry Philpot, M.D., M.R.C.P. ; William 
Chapman Waller, F.S.A. 

Mr. Browning then inducted Mr. Minet into the Presi- 
dential Chair, and, after a brief speech by the new President, 
the proceedings terminated. 



&att$ on tf)e Jbitt$ ant* I^istorp of tf)e £ rcnetj 
€f)urcl)c£ in Hon&on- ■ 


Some years ago I had the honour and privilege of reading a 
paper, before the members of this Society, dealing with the 
collections made on behalf of the French Refugees. The 
following notes are to some extent the outcome of that paper. 

When, at that time, I was collecting my material I met 
with references to various churches in London which I was 
unable to understand. Accordingly I extracted and tabulated 
every notice, and at length it became evident that the material 
at hand necessitated some modification of the hitherto 
accepted history of some of the churches. It soon became 
needful to identify, so far a3 possible, the site3 of the buildings 
used as places of public worship from time to time, and for 
this purpose Messrs. Stanford prepared some large-scale 
maps of those districts of London which were chiefly 
inhabited by the Refugees. These plans were compiled from 
maps dating from 1670 to 1789, and upon them were marked : 
(1) the sites absolutely identified ; (2) the probable sites of 
some of the churches ; (3) the approximate sites of other 
churches. These maps were most helpful in elucidating 
various doubtful points, but especially were they useful in 
showing very vividly the inter -relationship of the various 

Unfortunately it is impossible to reproduce them satis- 

[Note. — The maps were not drawn with any thought of reproduction. The, 
lines are too thin, and the alterations in streets, shown in red, are too numerous 
to enable reduced copies to be either clear or intelligible. This was very 
evident from the slides which had been most carefully prepared.] 



It may appear somewhat presumptuous to attempt to deal 
with this subject after the papers already given to the Society 
by Baron F. de Schickler and our late President, Mr. Moens, 
but I hope I have been able to collect some fresh facts which 
may be of service to those who may in the future undertake 
to write the full history of the churches.- 

Of the earlier buildings used as places of worship by the 
Refugees scarcely any traces are left, and very few prints or 
drawings are extant, so far as I am aware, to assist us in 
realising to any considerable extent what these buildings 
were like. Of the later buildings we know somewhat more, 

As it may seem strange that so many places were available 
at once for public worship, it will not be amiss to state here 
that some of the first occupied were adapted for use from 
various sources, which the following will make plain. 

Three had been chapels to private mansions ; two, and 
perhaps six, had been Dissenting Meeting Houses closed during 
the intolerance of the reigns of Charles II and James II ; 
two were the Halls of City Companies ; one had been a 
Eomanist Chapel ; one had been a Greek Church ; three 
were rooms in the upper part of Market Houses ; and several 
were probably private dwellings converted into places of 

While collecting the various items, constant reference had 
to be made to Burn's 1 History of the Foreign Eefugees.' Unfor- 
tunately he seldom gives the source from which he obtained 
his information, although it is probable that much was given 
to him by the Rev. J. L. Chirol ; thus his statements are very 
difficult to verify. It soon became evident that many things 
in his book were either misleading or even inaccurate. Smiles 
and Poole in their books are also wanting in accuracy. Baron 
F. de Schickler's two papers give much useful information, 
but he owns to want of knowledge on some points. 

Burn makes his most glaring error in dealing with Maryle- 
bone Chapel, and it is curious to observe that every succeeding 
writer appears to have followed him without hesitation, in 
stating that this chapel was first used during the Common- 
wealth period. Now Burn, it is true, does not say this in so 



many words, but he gives the names of two ministers who,, 
he says, served the chapel in 1656. The names are Nolle: 
and Bernard Perny ; now Nollet was the minister from 
about 1742 to 1755, while Bernard Perny was living and 
perhaps minister here in 1781. Probably the original mis- 
take may have been a printer's error, of which there are 
many in the book, but it is an illustration of an exceedingly 
bad habit, though one very prevalent, whereby writers save 
themselves trouble by copying slavishly those who have pre- 
ceded them in the same field of inquiry. 

Searches had to be made in various quarters for informa- 
tion, and many scattered references were found in tracts and 
MSS. at the British Museum, Lambeth Palace, Fulham Palace, 
the Bodleian Library, and Christ Church Library, Oxford. 
Naturally the chief sources of information must ever be the 
Eegisters, some very incomplete, of the churches (deposited at 
Somerset House) and the Minute Books of the Consistorial 
Meetings of some of the churches. Of the latter some are 
deposited at the Soho Square Church, some at the French 
Hospital, and one is in the Guildhall Library. 

It is exceedingly difficult to arrive at any satisfactory con- 
clusions as to when some of the churches were opened, and 
also as to how many existed at any given period. 

The Commissioners of the Eelief Fund, in their report 
issued in December 1686, state that they have opened three 
new churches or places of worship in London in addition to 
those already existing. Of these three, one was Jewin Street, 
and one was probably ' L'Hopital ' in Spitalfields, but the third 
it is impossible to identify with certainty, although most pro- 
bably it was the Chapel of Spring Gardens. 

A year later, in December 1687, Dubourdieu, writing to 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, says : There are fifteen 
ministers in London in charge of the churches — viz. five 
attached to La Nouvelle Eglise (Jewin Street) ; five attached 
to Threadneedle Street; five attached to the churches of 
La Savoie ; besides three ' Mischief makers,' who have opened 
two 1 Meetings.' The two 4 Meetings ' were the Nonconformist 



Churches of St. Jean, Spitalfields, and Glasshouse Street, 

The next reference I can find was in 1698, when Misson 
writes that there were twenty-two churches in London, but he 
does not particularise. 

In 1700 the Threadneedle Street Church, in a letter to the 
Bishop of London, gives the names of sixteen Nonconformist 
Churches, and we know that, at this date, there were eight or 
nine Conformist churches, so that we have a total for this 
year of twenty-four or twenty-five different places of worship. 

Between 1699 and 1748 there were from time to time 
general assemblies of the churches for purposes of joint action 
or consultation, but the lists of delegates do not give much 
assistance, for although we know from them which churches 
were represented, yet we do not know what churches abstained, 
and in some cases it would appear as though some of the 
ministers and elders were representative rather of groups than 
of individual churches. 

Bourdillon, in a sermon preached and published in 1782, 
states that in 1730 there were twenty churches existing, while 
in 178*2 only eleven still remained, some of which, he says, 
were near their end. 

At the present time there are but two churches remaining, 
one the representative of the Threadneedle Street Church and 
the other the successor of the Savoy Chapel ; in these nearly 
all the others appear to have merged. 

The numbers given above do not, apparently, include the 
churches in the environs, although one authority enumerates 
Marylebone, another excludes this, but adds Hoxton, and a 
third, ignoring both, mentions Wapping. Further, we must 
not forget that between 1700 and 1715 it would appear that 
several small congregations were gathered together by indi- 
vidual ministers, which probably existed for very short 

Probably, after taking into account all the facts available, 
if we conclude that there were never more than from twenty- 
five to twenty-eight congregations in existence in London, 
as it was understood at that time, we shall be very , nearly 



correct, and this, notwithstanding that one writer puts the 
number as high as thirty -five churches. The districts, which 
I take as representing London, are included within the follow- 
ing rough boundaries : Oxford Street, Holborn, Aldersgate 
Street, Old Street, Bethnal Green Road, Brick Lane, White- 
chapel Road, Eastcheap, the River Thames from London 
Bridge to Westminster, Birdcage Walk, Constitution Hill, 
Piccadilly, and Bond Street. 

It must be borne in mind that the French Refugee Churches 
were divided into two great classes, viz. those which retained 
that lorm of worship and church government which was in 
accordance with the discipline of the Reformed Church of 
France, commonly called Nonconformist Churches, and those 
which adopted the French translation of the English Liturgy, 
and were therefore known as Conformist Churches. Indivi- 
dual churches from time to time appear to have drifted from 
one class to the other, but the Nonconformist congregations 
were always in the majority in the City and Spitalfields, and 
the Conformist in the western parts. 

Divergence of opinion on church government does not 
appear to have caused any great difficulty in united action by 
the churches, and does not even seem to have been any bar 
to pastoral union between two churches. 

It must be remembered, however, that while the Con- 
formist Churches were more directly under Episcopal 
supervision, yet the Bishops of London had a species of 
superintendency over the Nonconformist Churches, and some 
of the latter even went so far as to send candidates for the 
ministry to the Bishop of London for ordination. Even so 
strong an adherent of Presbyterianism as Jacques Saurin 
received his ordination in this way. 

Note. — In the lists of ministers serving the churches it is 
possible that some names are omitted, but it is believed that 
none have been inserted without ample documentary evidence, 
not merely of their officiating, but of their having held office. 
It is probable, however, that some few pastors whose names 
are included as ministers only held the subordinate office of 

vol. vin. — no. i. c 



i Lecteur des Prieres.' The date prefixed to a name is thai of 
the earliest reference found to the minister in connection with 
the particular church ; where, however, the letter ' E ' is 
added it shows that the election or appointment of the 
minister occurred in that year. 

I. — L'Eglise de Londres 
or L'Eglise de Threadneedle Street. 

This church was formed under a charter granted by 
Edward VI in 15 50. 

At first they were joint users with the Dutch congrega- 
tion, formed under the same charter, of the Austin Friars 
Church. Very soon, however, the use was obtained of the 
chapel belonging to the dissolved Hospital of St. Anthony, 
situated on the north side of Threadneedle Street and opposite 
to the entrance to Finch Lane. This building was burnt 
down in the Great Fire, but was rebuilt and remained in use 
until 1842. A new church was then erected on a site in 
St. Martin's le Grand, almost at the corner of Bull and 
Mouth Street, which was dedicated and opened for worship 
in 1843. This site having been acquired by the Government 
for an extension of the Post Office, another church was built 
in the north-west corner of Soho Square, which was opened 
for public worship in 1893. This building is still existing. 

A list of ministers was published when the present church 
wa3 opened, it therefore seems useless to occupy space in 
reprinting it. 

L'Eglise de l'Hopital, or L'Eglise Neuve, 

In 1686 the number of Refugees having increased to such 
an extent that the Threadneedle Street Church could not 
contain those who wished to attend, the consistory of that 
church applied to James II for permission to build an annexe 
in Spitalfields, where they were in occupation of sufficient 
ground attached to their almshouses in Grey Eagle Street 
and Black Eagle Street. Letters Patent were granted for 
this purpose in 1687. This was called ' L'Eglise de l'Hopital,' 



possibly oaring to its proximity to the site of the Old Spital. 
This church was eighty feet long by fifty-four feet wide. 

In 1742, the old building having become ruinous, appli- 
cation was made to George II, and permission obtained to 
erect a new church eighty- six feet long by sixty feet wide, which 
was seated to accommodate 1,500 persons. This church was 
situated at the corner of Church Street [now called Fournier 
Street] and Brick Lane. It was probably closed about 1809, 
when the congregation joined the parent church. It was 
commonly called 1 L'Eglise Neuve, 5 thus adopting a name 
which had previously been used by the Jewin Street Church. 

The building is now used as a Jewish Synagogue. 

The ministers were those of the Threadneedle Street 

II. — L'Eglise de la Savoie 

In 1643 Jean d'Espagne, formerly minister at Sandtoft, 
was preaching to a congregation composed of the French 
residents in and about Westminster and Charing Cross. The 
services were held in the Chapel of Durham House, then 
belonging to the Earl of Pembroke. The site of this house 
is approximately that now occupied by Adelphi Terrace and 
some of the adjoining streets. The chapel was situated 
between Adelphi Terrace and John Street, and was a little to 
the east of Robert Street. In 1649 we find the congregation 
worshipping in the Savoy Palace, and in 1653 Parliament 
granted the use of the Chapel of Somerset House for their 
services. However, on the restoration in 1660 possession of 
this chapel was resumed by the Crown, and the congregation 
appear to have temporarily met for worship somewhere in 
Covent Garden, probably in a private house. A petition was 
presented to Charles II asking for a charter, and, after some 
negotiations, Letters Patent were issued in 1662 granting the 
use of the 1 Little Chapel of the Savoy ' on condition that 
the congregation conformed to the Church of England and 
used a French translation of the Common Prayer Book. The 
church was to be under the immediate jurisdiction of the 
Bishop of London, but the congregation were given the right 



to elect their ministers, subject to confirmation by the 
Sovereign and ordination by the Bishop. 

This chapel would appear to have been enlarged on two 
occasions, but at length becoming dangerous it was closed 
about 1731, when some members of the congregation probably 
joined L'Eglise des Grecs and some La Chapelle de Spring 
Gardens, both of which churches were served by the ministers 
of the Savoy. 

The site of the Savoy Chapel is now covered by the 
approach to Waterloo Bridge from the Strand. 

Ministers of the Savoy Church. 

1643. Jean d'Espagne ; died 1659. 

1659. Jacques Hierosme ; to Ireland 1662. 

1659. Jean de Kerhuel. 

1661(E). Jean Durel, D.D. ; died 1683. 

1661(E-. Jean Masimilien de 1* Angle : died 1724. 

1669. Richard Dumaresque. 

1670(E). Francois Durand de Breval ; resigned 1679. 

1680. Thomas Satur. 

1681. Isaac Dubourdieu : died 1694. 

1682. Andre de 1'Ortie. 

1684. Faulcon. 

1685. Jean Dubourdieu ; died 1720. 
1688. Paul de la Riviere ; died 1726. 
1690. Jean Lefebvre (Lecteur). 

1692. Jacques Abbadie ; to Ireland 1699. 

1694vE). Claude Grosteste de ia Mothe; died 1713. 

1695. Delebecque (Lecteur i. 

1701. Jean Armand Dubourdieu; died 1726. 

1704. Israel Anthoine Aufrere ; to St. James 5 1728. 

1710. Guillaume Du Cros. 

1711. Louis Saurin ; to Ireland 1727. 
1713. Jacques de l'Astre (Lecteur). 
1721(E). Jeremie Olivier. 

1721. Daniel Olivier. 

1726(E). David Renaud Boulier. 

1727. Jacques Desmazures. 



1729. Daniel de Beaufort ; to Dublin about 1753 
1729. David Durand. 

1731. Cesar de Missy. 

1732. Paul Convenant ; resigned 1749. 

1732. Jacques Theodore Muysson. 

1733. Jean Jacques Majendie ; died 1783. 

1739. Pierre La Eoque. 

1740. J. Eynard ; left 1750. 
1749(E). Jean des Champs ; died 1767. 
1750(E). Samuel Mauzy. 

1755. Isaac Lesturgeon (Lecteur) ; resigned 1772. 

1767(E). David Rene Bouillier. 

1768. J. J. du Rosel (Lecteur). 

1769(E). Charles de Guiffardiere. 

1770. Nicolas Massy (Lecteur). . 

1787. Jean Scipion Sabonadiere (Lecteur). 

1795. Samuel Audinet (Lecteur). 

1803. Mare Theophile Couton Abauzit. 

1808. Alexandre Sterky ; died 1838. 

1810(E). Jacques Samuel Pons ; also in 1822. 
Among the later ministers are the following : Messrs. 
Mudrie, Kitching, Ahier, Bouverie, Dupont, and the present 
incumbent, Rev. E. Davidson. 

III. — L'Eglise des Geecs. 

It is somewhat doubtful when this church was first estab- 
lished. It was, however, a sort of Chapel of Ease to the 
' Savoie.' There is satisfactory evidence of its having been 
in existence in 1681, as one of its ministers was attacked 
by a mob in Newport Market in this year. The Registers 
only commence in 1684, so it is uncertain whether it was 
closed for a time and then re-opened. 

In 1731 the Mother Church of 1 La Savoie ' having been 
closed as dangerous, the larger part of the congregation 
appears to have removed to this church, which from this 
date may be considered to be in possession of all the 
rights granted by the Letters Patent of Charles IL 

In 1822 the congregation removed to a building on the 



north side cf Edward Street, between Berwick Street and 
Wardour Street ; and in 1845 a further removal took place 
to the present Church of ' St. Jean de Savoie,' Shaftesbury 
Avenue, then known as Bloom3bury Street. 

The ministers of 1 La Savoie ' served this church, but the 
'Lecteurs,' mentioned below, were attached to ' Les Grecs." 

The original church used by this congregation was at 
first intended for the Greek Colony in London, but it is 
doubtful whether it was ever used by them. It was situated in 
Hog Lane, afterwards called Church Street, Soho, and now 
incorporated into Charing Cross Road, The site is occupied 
by St. Mary's, Charing Cross Boad. 


1684. Jean Billon de la Mare. 

1695. Desrevillers. 

1699. Jacques Severin ; also in 1714. 

1716. Jacques Durand. 

1718. Jean Hudel. 

1724. Henri Aniprou. 

1728. Thomas Herve ; to St. James' 1755. 

IV. — La Chapelle de Spring Gardens. 

This chapel was built on a plot of ground granted by 
the Government. It was erected as a Chapel of Ease to 
'La Savoie' by the advice and approbation of the Bishop 
of London. The exact date of its erection is doubtful, but 
a drawing of the Horse Guards Parade,, apparently executed 
about 1685, shows a chapel among the trees of the Spring 
Gardens which is called the French Chapel. 

The original building was burnt down, but it was rebuilt 
with considerably greater architectural pretensions, appa- 
rently on a new site. When this new chapel was opened 
is uncertain, but there are several references in the Savoy 
Eegister3 to it in and after the year 1700. The site was, 
until lately, occupied by the Crown Agents Office. 

At one period the congregation were granted the use of 
the neighbouring Chapel of Ease to St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, 


which stood at the comer of Cockspur Street. Probably this 
was while their own chapel was being repaired. 

This church was sometimes also called 'La Petite Savoie.' 
or 'La Chapelle du Pare' It was closed in October 17.55, 
the congregation probably joining 'Les Grecs. v It was 
served by tfcs ministers of 'La Savoie.' 


1718. La Pierre. 

17'?2. Francois Flahaut. 

1739. Francois Le Beaupin ; to Wapping 1742. 
1742. Isaac Lesturgeon ; to Savoy 1755.. 

V. — L'Eglise de ' St. Jean,' Spitalfields. 

This was the first of the Nonconforming French Refugee 
Churches opened^in London. It was established soon after 
the Declaration of Toleration issued by James II in 1687. 
The first ecclesiastical Act registered was under date of 
September 11. The congregation increased in numbers very 
rapidly, and the building appears to have been enlarged in 16S9. 
A new building was erected on the same site and dedicated 
on December 1, 1765. The regular services ceased after 
December 30, 1821, but services were occasionally held until 
May 27, 1827, when the closing sermon was preached by the 
Rev. J. L. Chirol ; a deed of union with the Threadneedle Street 
Church having been signed on May 9. On October 16, 1828, it 
wa3 re-consecrated as St. John's District Church, attached to 
St. Matthew's, Bethnal Green. The building was pulled down 
in connection with the Great Eastern Railway widening at 
Shoreditch. It was on the north side of John Street. 

A union subsisted between this congregation and that of 
Glasshouse Street, Piccadilly, joined in 1691 by that of 
Petticoat Lane ; this existed until 1701, when it was broken 
by the secession of ' St. Jean.' 

Chirol, in his ' Sermon de Jubile,' says that originally 
the Meeting House wa3 occupied by an English Noncon- 
formist congregation, who allowed the French services to be 
held at such hour3 as were vacant on Sunday. After a few 



years, the English congregation having decreased in numbers 
and the French increasing, the latter congregation obtained 
the sole use of the building. 


1687. Benjamin de Joux ; resigned 1689. 

1687. Jean Lions ; to Leicesterfields 1701. 

1688. Nicholas Lions ; 1689 to Plymouth. 

1688. Charles Contet ; died 1693. 

1689. Cesar Pegorier ; to Leicesterflelds 1701. 
1689. Marchand (Lecteur). 

1689(E). Pierre Perrin ; resigned 1690. 
1690(E). Andre Lombard; resigned 1693. 
1691(E). Daniel Chamier ; died 1698. 
1692(E). Jean Marc Yerchiere ; 1695 to Switzerland. 
1694(E). Anthoine Coulan ; died 1694. 
1694(E). Joseph de la Motte ; to Leicesterfields 1701. 
1694(E). Pierre Rivals ; to Leicesterfields 1701. 
1696(E). Charles Chariot D'Argenteuil ; to Leicester- 
fields 1701. 

1699(E). Ezechias Barbauld ; to Leicesterfields 1701. 

The congregation being now without pastors elected — 

1701(E). Jean Baptiste Balguerie de Chautard ; resigned 

1709. J. D. Cregut ; until 1719. 
1712. Etienne Sudre ; resigned 1716. 
1715. La Foux. 

1716(E). Phinees Philibert Pielat ;; until 1722. 

1720. Pierre Vincent ? until 1754. 

1754. Samuel Tavan ; to La Patente 1755. 

1756. Elie Palairet ; until 1758. 

1758(E). Samuel Beuzeville ; died 1782. 

1782. B. Agassiz ; until 1785. 

1785(E). Elie Brilly ; died 1789. 

1789. Timothee Francillon ; until 1793. 

1794. Jean Louis Chirol ; by whom the church was 

. dissolved 1827. 



VI. — L'Eglise de ' Glasshouse Street,' afterwards 
1 Leicester Fields.' 

The ministers who opened the Church of * St. Jean ' also 
established this congregation about the same time in Glass- 
house Street, Piccadilly, near the corner of Savile Eow, pro- 
bably in October 1687. In December 1687 Dubourdieu, 
writing to the Bishop of London, refers to two meetings 
having been opened in London for some time. The first 
entry in the Eegisters, however, is dated May 13, 1688. It 
was at first often called ' L'Eglise de Piccadilly,' a title after- 
wards adopted by the church in Swallow Street. The Meeting 
House was probably held jointly with an English Presbyterian 

In 169*2, the congregation having increased, it was neces- 
sary to find f a more commodious and better situated temple ' ; 
accordingly, an edifice, sixty feet long by forty feet wide, was 
erected in Orange Street, Leicester Fields, after which the name 
of 1 L'Eglise de Leicesterfields ' was generally used. This 
building still exists under the name of the **Orange Street 
Congregational Chapel.' 

In 1786 the church was closed and the congregation was 
merged with ' L'Eglise du Quarre.' 

In 1696 'the small church in Milk Alley, called <'Le 
Tabernacle," was hired and used as an " annexe ; ' until 1720, 
when it was closed.' 

A union for all church matters existed between this con- 
gregation and that of ' St. Jean,' Spitalfields, which was 
joined in 1691 by that of Petticoat Lane. ' St. Jean ' left this 
union in 1701, after which it was joined by • Riders' Court,' 
then without pastors ; about 1722 the Consistory of Eiders' 
Court appears to have been merged in that of Jjeicester Fields, 
and a new Treaty of Union was signed by that church and 
Petticoat Lane, now become 'L'Eglise de l'Artillerie.' This , 
union was joined in 1736 by ' La Patente,' Soho, but thirty- 
four years later (1770) 4 L'Eglise de l'Artillerie ' retired, and in 
1776 Leicester Fields and La Patente, Soho, separated. 



1637. Benjamin de Joux ; resigned 16S9. 

16S7. Jean Lions : suspended 1707 ; restore:! 1703. 

1638. Charles Contet ; died 1693. 
1689. Cesar Pegorier. 

1689(E). Pierre Perrin : resigned 1690. 

1690(E). Andre Lombard ; resigned 1693. 

1691(E). Daniel Ckamier ; died 1693. 

1691(E). Jean Marc Yerchiere; to Switzerland 1695. 

1694(E). Anthoine Coulan ; died 1694. 

1694(E). Joseph de la Metre. 

1694(E). Pierre Rivals : to Chapelle V 1 de St. James 1710. 
1696(E). Charles Chariot D'Argenteml. 
1699(E). Ezechias Barbauld ; to Threadneedle Street 

1706. Claude Scoffier : to Middelburg 1724. 

1707. Jean Blanc ; died 1757. 

1709. Henri Oger de St. Colombe; to Threadneedle 

Street 1710. 
1711. Pierre Barbauld ; died 1738. 
1711. Armand Boibelleau de la Chapelle ; to Hague 


Vassy (Lecteur) ; to Tabernacle 1714. 
1713(E). Noe Collin (Lecteur). 
1714(E). Michel Martin (Lecteur). 
1720. Jeremie Ollivier ; to Savoy 1721. 
1725. Samuel de la Douespe ; resigned 1728. 
1725. Jacques Francois Barnouin; resigned 1767; 
died 1770. 

1727. Daniel de Beaufort ; to Savoy 1728. 
1731. Jacob Bourdillon ; remained 1770 with L'Artil- 

1736. Jean Pierre Stehelin ; died 1753. 
1745. Louis Marcombes ; to Geneva 1763. 
1753. Jean Gaspard Mieg; died 1765. 
1757. David Henri Durand; to Threadneedle Street 



1760. Louis de la Chaumette ; to Threadneedle Street 


1761. David Rene Bouillier; to Savoy 176J. 

1765. Georges de la Saussaye ; to Threadneedle Street 

1767. Charles de GuifFardiere ; to Savoy 1769. 

Jacob Bourdillon was now the only minister serving 
the three churches. In 1770 he resigned the pastorates of 
Leicesterfields and La Patente, Soho. 

1770. Elie Brilly ; to St. Jean 1786. 
1770. Philippe van Swinden ; resigned 1773. 
1773. Etienne Gibert; 1776, remained with La Patente. 
1775. Pierre Lescure ; 1786, on dissolution became extra 
minister to Le Quarre. 

VII. — Le Tabernacle, Milk Alley, Soho. 

In the book containing the Acts of the Consistory of Lei- 
cesterfields, we read under date 1696 that the small church in 
Milk Alley, called The Tabernacle, being now vacant, it was 
decided to hire it as an annexe. This would appear to show 
that it had already been used by a congregation ; this is 
strengthened by a slip of paper pasted .into the Register re- 
cording a baptism performed in ' Le Tabernacle ' in 1693 by 
Monsieur Guilieu. 

The Consistory of Leicesterfields provided that there should 
be no separate consistory for Milk Alley, but that the congre- 
gation should elect members to sit with that of Leicesterfields. 

The number of worshippers would seem to have rapidly 
ncreased, as it became necessary to build galleries round the 
church in 1699. 

Public worship apparently ceased here about 1720. 

It may be noted that Milk Alley was afterwards called 
Little Dean Street, and that L'Eglise du Quarre built a new 
church and moved into this street. 

From 1696 to 1719 the regular pastors were those 



belonging to the mother church, but we find the following 
filling the office of ' Lecteurs ' : 

1696. Barete. 

1699. Baele ; also 1717. 

1714 (E.) Vassy ; also 1717. 

VIII. — L'Eglise de Riders' Court, Leicester Fields. 

This church was situated at the north-west comer of 
Eiders' Court, and the site is now covered by Lisle Street. It 
was probably opened on November 3, 1700, and was apparently 
an amalgamation of two congregations, viz. St. Martin's 
Lane and the second congregation gathered at Newport 
Market House. 

In 1701 the congregations being without pastors entered 
the union of ' Leicesterfields ' and ' L'Artillerie.' 

Probably the congregation ceased to have a- separate 
consistory about 1722, as when a new Treaty of Union was 
signed in this year between the other churches, Eiders' Court 
does not take any part in it ; perhaps the members of the 
congregation had so far decreased that they now only elected 
members to the Consistory of Leicester Fields. 

The church was apparently closed for worship about 1738. 


Jean Pons ; left 1701. 

Louis de Lescure de la Prade, to Le Petit Charenron in 
1701 ; after which the church was served by the ministers of 
Leicesterfields Church. Perhaps, however, a Monsieur Cairon 
may have been a 4 Lecteur ' of this church, as he signs one 
entry in the Registers in 1710 as ' Ministre de cette eglise.' 

IX. — L'Eglise de Petticoat Lane, Spitalfields, 


It is probable that this congregation was formed about 
the early part of 1691 by the ministers already serving 
the Churches of St. Jean and Glasshouse Street. The 
first entry in the Registers is dated March 10, 1690-1. 



The site of the building used for worship in Petticoat 
Lane is not known. Burn suggests a Meeting House in 
Boar's Head Yard at the Whitechapel end of the lane, but 
this seems most improbable. 

A possible site was that occupied by a building known in 
171-4 as The Tabernacle in Petticoat Lane, and then used 
as a Chapel of Ease to Stepney Church ; but the most probable 
solution would appear to be that the congregation were joint 
users with a Presbyterian congregation of a Meeting House in 
Gravel Lane which ran into Petticoat Lane, now known as 
Middlesex Street. It must not be forgotten that 4 St. Jean ' 
was thus accommodated by an English Presbyterian con- 

In 1695 the congregation moved to a building in Parlia- 
ment Court, Artillery Lane, and from that time was called 
' L'Eglise de rArtillerie.' This building had probably been 
occupied by Laborie's congregation. The church was rebuilt 
on the same site in 1763. It is now used as a Jews' 

There was from the first a union for all church purposes 
between this church and those of ' St. Jean ' and * Leicester- 
fields,' which existed until 1701, when •' St. Jean ' retired, and 
' Eiders' Court ' was admitted. In 1735 thi3 was joined by 
' La Patente, Soho,' but in 1769 the Artillery Church seceded 
and entered into a close union in 1770 with 'La Patente, 
Spitalfields,' which continued until both churches were closed 
in 1786, when the congregation joined ' Threadneedle Street/ 

Ministers of VArtillerie. 

1691. Jean Lions. 

1691. Charles Contet ; died 1693. 

1691. Cesar Pegorier. 

1691. Andre Lombard; resigned 1693. 

1691. Daniel Chamier ; died 1693. 

1692. Jean Marc Yerchiere ; to Switzerland 1695. 
1694. Anthoine Coulan ; died 1694. 

1694. Joseph de la Motte. 

1694. Pierre Rivals ; to St. James' Palace 1710. 



1696. Charles Chariot D'Argenteuil. 

1699. Ezechias Barbauld ; to Threadneedle Street 1704. 

1706. Claude Scoffier ; to Middelburg 1724. 

1707. Jean Blanc ; died 1757. 

1709. Henri Oger de St. Colombe ; to Threadneedle 

Street 1710. 
1711. Pierre Barbauld; died 1738. 
1711. Armand Boibelleau de la Chapelle; to Hague 1726. 
1720. Jereniie Ollivier ; to Savoy 1721. 
1725. Samuel de la Douespe ; resigned 1728. 
1725. Jacques Francois Barnouin ; resigned 1767. 
1727. Daniel de Beaufort ; to Savoy 1728. 
1731. Jacob Bourdillon ; died 1786. 
1736. Jean Pierre Stehelin ; died 1753. 
1744. Louis Marcornbes ; to Geneva 1763. 
1753. Jean Gaspard ITieg ; died 1765. 
1757. David Henri Durand ; to Threadneedle Street 1760. 

1760. Louis de la Chaumette; to Threadneedle Street 1761. 

1761. David Rene Bouillier ; to Savoy 1767. 

1765. Jacques Georges de la Saussaye ; to Threadneedle 

Street 1769. 
1767. Charles de GuifTardiere ; to Savoy 1769. 
1769. Francois Gauterel ; resigned 1786. 
1769. Samuel Tavan ; resigned 1775. 

X. — L'Eglise de L' Lane. 

This congregation appears to have been gathered by 
Monsieur Laborie, an ex-priest (?) and proselyte, who had been 
received into the French Churches, and had for some years 
been preaching. He would appear to have received the per- 
mission of the Archbishop of Canterbury to open the church 
about 1691. However, about 1693 or 1694 his conduct 
became so notorious that the greater part of his congregation 
left him, and the church seems to have been closed by him in 
1695. It was probably taken in the same year by the con- 
gregation, until then meeting in Petticoat Lane. 

Laborie having somewhat recovered from his disgrace, 
afterwards opened a church in Pearl Street. 



XI. — L'Eglise de St. Martin Orgars. 
In response to a petition, which was, however, violently 
opposed by 'La Savoie,' Letters Patent were granted on 
June 16, 1686, by James II for the establishing of this church. 

The official title adopted appears to have been ' L'Eglise 
des Refugiez de France recueillie a Londres,' but usually this 
church was referred to as ' La Nouvelle Eglise ' or « L'Eglise 
Neuve,' until 1701, after which it was generally called 
' L'Eglise de St. Martin Orgars.' 

The congregation at first proposed to erect a church on 
a vacant piece of ground at Blackfriars, but eventually a 
building was hired which had been built on the site of one 
formerly used for cock-fighting, and had then been known as 
the ' Cockpit.' It was situated on the south side of Jewin 
Street, Aldersgate Street. This street, owing to the widening, 
runs over the site. The edifice had previously been used by a 
Nonconformist congregation and also by a congregation for 
service according to the rites of the Church of England 
during the rebuilding of the churches after the Great Fire. 

In 1691 the congregation removed and used the * Brewers' 
Hall,' Addle Street, Aldermanbury, for the Lord's Day ser- 
vices, and for the week-day services a room over the Honey 
Lane Market House. At this time the church was often 
called either ' L'Eglise du Cite ' or ' l'Eglise d'Aldermanbury.' 

This arrangement proving inconvenient, the congregation 
hired the Chapel of Buckingham House, College Hill, Camion 
Street, which was first used for divine worship on February 23, 
1693. This chapel had just become vacant by the removal 
of an English Nonconformist congregation which had built 
Salters' Hall Chapel. 

A final move was made on April 20, 1701, to the old 
parish church of St. Martin Orgars on the east side of St. 
Martin's Lane, Cannon Street, which had been burnt in the 
Great Fire, arid had not yet been repaired, as the parish was 
united with St. Clement's, Eastcheap. The ruins of the old 
church were utilised as far as possible in the erection of the 
new building prepared for the French congregation. 



There were some difficulties in arranging the lease of the 
ground from the parish to the French Refugees, and it was 
therefore necessary to obtain a special Act of Parliament. 
The lease is dated February 3, 1699. 

The congregation was Conformist, and was placed by the 
Letters Patent under the direct jurisdiction of the Archbishop 
of Canterbury. 

The corporate existence of the church appears to have 
ceased about 1823. 

A union for all ecclesiastical purposes was entered into 
with the Churches of Hungerford Market, Le Quarre, and 
Piccadilly in 1691. This church broke away from the 
Close Union in 1701, retaining a Pastoral Union with them 
until 1720, when a final separation took place, and a 
union was effected with ' La Savoie,' which continued for 
many years. The later history of the church is, however, 
somewhat obscure, but there is reason to believe that 
about 1764 the union with ' La Savoie ' was dissolved, when, 
probably, Samuel Mauzy remained with this church. 

Ministers of St. Martin Orgars. 

1686. Peter Allix ; appointed Treasurer of Salisbury 
' 1690. 

Jean Lombard ; died 1721. 

Claude Grosteste de la Mothe ; to Savoy 1694. 

Jean Graverol ; died 1717. 

Jacob Asselin ; died 1708. 

Paul Colomiez (Lecteur). 

1690. Pierre Peze de Galinieres ; resigned 1701 


Philippe Jouneau. 

des Noyers ; died 1691. 

Henri de Rocheblave ; to Ireland 1696. 
Grymaudet (Lecteur). 

1691. B. Doules. 
Pierre Pioussilhon. 

Joseph de la Motte ; to Leicester Fields 1694. 
1694. G. Siequeville ; died 1720. 



1699. Pierre de Tacher. 

1700. M. Meslin (Lecteur) ; died 1713. 

1711. David Durand. 

1712. Henri Chatelain ; resigned 1720-1. 
1713(E). Richard (Lecteur) ; resigned 1716. 
1715(E). J. Eynard. 

1716(E). D'Ambesieux (Lecteur) ; to Greenwich 1720. 
1717(E). Fr. Larroque D'Agneau ; resigned 1720. 
1720(E). Francois Flahaut (Lecteur) ; to Spring Gardens 

1721. Daniel Olivier. 
1722(E). Claude Broyer (Lecteur). 

After this date the same pastors as those serving ' La 
Savoie ' until about 1764. 
1764. Samuel Mauzy. 
1804. Marc Theophile Couton Abauzit. 

XII. — L'Eglise de la Place de St. James, St. James's 
Square, afterwards Swallow Street, Piccadilly. 

1689. Established under the Letters Patent granted to 
Peter Allix and his associates in 1686. 

The congregation first met in the Chapel in York Street, 
attached to the mansion in St. James's Square, which had been 
occupied by the French Ambassador. The property was then 
owned by Lord Jermyn, who rented them the chapel at the 
rent of 45L per annum. The house is now (1904) occupied 
by the Sports Club, and the chapel has become the smoking 

In 1691 an Ecclesiastical Union was entered into with 
the Churches of Jewin Street, Le Quarre, and Hungerford 
Market, each church having previously paid its own debts. 

In 1693 Lord Cornwallis bought the property, whereupon 
it became necessary to obtain a new church. This was built 
in Swallow Street at a cost of 350Z., and opened July 1694. 
The Theistic Church now (1904) occupies the site. 

vol. vni. — no. i. d 



In 1707, the congregation having decreased, the consistory 
was abolished, and members were elected to sit with the 
Quarre Consistory. The decrease in numbers continuing, the 
church was closed in 1710, and the congregation joined the 
Church of 1 Le Quarre.' 

In 1600 permission was granted to Mr. Cafarelli, an 
Italian Minister, to hold services for three months according 
to the Anglican form in Italian. 

From 1694 to 1710 this church was known as ' L'Eglise 
de Piccadilly.' This name had previously been used by 
Glasshouse Street Church. 


1689. Peter Allix ; appointed Treasurer of Salisbury 1690. 
Jean Lombard. 

Claude Grosteste de la Mothe ; to Savoy 1694. 

Jean Graverol. 

Jacob Asselin ; died 1708. 

Jeremie Majou (Lecteur) ; suspended 1692. 

1690. Pierre Peze de Galinieres ; to Dublin 1?01. 
Philippe Jouneau. 

des Noyers ; died 1694. 

Henri de Eocheblave ; to Ireland 1696. 

1691. B. Doules. 
Pierre Eoussilhon. 

Joseph de la Motte ; to Leicesterfields 1694. 

1692. Jean des Aguliers (Lecteur) ; resigned 1697. 
1694. G. Sicqueville. 

1697. Pierre le Grand (Lecteur). 
1699. Pierre de Tacher. 

XIII. — L'Eglise de Hungerford Market, afterwards 
L'Eglise de Castle Street, sometimes called 
'La Hondolette.* 

In January 1688, after much opposition, four ministers 
with the consent of the Archbishop of Canterbury opened 
the room over Hungerford Market House for divine worship, 



a lease of the room having been obtained from Sir Stephen 
Fox at a rental of 361. per annum. » 

In 1691 a union (fully explained under Le Quarre) was 
entered into with Jewin Street, St. James's Square, and Le 

In 1700-1 the congregation removed to new premises in 
Castle Street, St. Martin's Lane. 

In 1760, the congregation having greatly decreased, it was 
decided to remove to a smaller building on the south side of 
Moor Street, which a few years later was closed, when the 
congregation was absorbed by 'Le Quarre,' probably between 
1762 and 1768. 

The site of Hungerford Market is now occupied by Charing 
Cross Eailway Station. 

Castle Street Church afterwards was used as a Court 
of Bequests. It was in Hemmings Row, which was pulled 
down when Charing Cross Road was formed. 

Ministers. -1555 fQ7 

1688. Pierre Rondolet ; died 1689. 

Jean Renaudot ; died 1690. 

Pierre Peze de Galinieres ; to Dublin 1701. 

Philippe Jouneau ; died in 1730. 

Jean le Febvre (Lecteur) ; to Savoy 1689-90. 
1689(E). des Noyers. 

1690. Henri de Rocheblave ; to Dublin 1696. 
Jean Lombard ; died 1721. 

Claude Grosteste de la Mothe ; to La Savoie 1694. 
Jean Graverol ; died 1717. 
Jacob Asselin ; died 1708. 
Billouard (Lecteur) ; died 1696. 
Bernard (Lecteur) ; resigned 1694. 

1691. B. Doules. 
Pierre Roussilhon. 

Joseph de la Motte ; to Leicester Fields 1694. 
1694(E). G. de Sicqueville ; died 1720. 
1696. Jean Baptiste Renoult (Lecteur) ; to West Street 



1699. Pierre de Tacher ; resigned 1728 ; Min re hon- ; 

died 1732. 
1703. Bernard Nicout (Lecteur). 

1711. David Durand ; to La Savoye 1729. 
Jean Calas (Lecteur) ; died 1727. 

1712. Henri Chatelain ; to Holland 1720-1. 
1715(E). J. Eynard ; to La Savoie 1720. 
1716(E). Fr. Larroque D'Agneau ; resigned 1720. 
1717(E). Jean Boddens ; resigned 1718. 
1719(E). Philippe Delaizement ; resigned 1723. 
1721(E). David Renaud Boulier ; to La Savoie 1726. 
1723(E). Jean Pierre Bernard. . 

Albert le Blanc. 
1727(E). Georges Cautier. 
1727(E). Samuel Coderc. 

1727(E). Pierre Louis Vuillemin (Lecteur) ; resigned 

1730(E). Etienne Abel Laval. 

1733(E). Isaac Lesturgeon (Lecteur) ; to Spring Gardens 

1743(E). Jean Baptiste Crevel (Lecteur). 
1743. Jean Cesvet (Lecteur). 
1747(E). Jean Albert Painblanc (Lecteur). 
1755. Jean Aubert du Chesne (Lecteur). 

XIV. — Lb Quaere. 

This congregation first met in the Chapel of Monmouth 
House, Soho Square, or, as it was translated, ' Le Quarre de 
Sohoe,' and thus the church became known as ' L'Eglise du 
Quarre.' Monmouth House stood on the south side of Soho 
Square, and the site is now roughly occupied by Bateman's 

This chapel was granted for the use of the Piefugees 
by William and Mary in 1689. The first ministers, Dutemps 
and Souverain, were, however, not satisfactory, and probably 
resigned owing to the representations of the Bishop of London 



in 1690. The congregation being thus without ministers, 
apparently sought the assistance of the Churches of St. 
James's Square and Hungerford, and after various meetings 
these churches, together with Jewin Street, entered into a 
Pastoral Union, which in the following year (1691) became 
an absolute union for all church matters. An increase in 
members necessitated a gallery being erected in this year 

In 1694 'they were forced to transport all their pews 
from Monmouth House, and that cost 60/.' They moved to 
Berwick Street in July, and here they continued to meet for 
worship until 1769, when, having been much reduced in 
numbers, they built a small church on the south side of 
Little Dean Street, into which they moved. This church 
was closed about 1853, when the congregation and the church 
property was absorbed by 'La Savoie.' The site of the 
church in Berwick Street is now occupied by St. Luke's 
Church. It was nearly opposite Frying Pan Alley, now called 
Tyler's Court. 

The union of the churches above named was broken in 
1701, when Jewin Street, now become St. Martin Orgars, 
withdrew, although- retaining a Pastoral Union until 1720. 
In 1707 the Consistory of St. James's Square, now Piccadilly, 
was united with that of Le Quarre, and in 1710 Piccadilly 
was closed, and the congregation joined Le Quarre. 

In 1742 the church of West Street or La Piramide appears 
to have been closed, and the congregation and church property 
absorbed by this church. About 1764 the allied church of 
Castle Street was absorbed, and in 1786 a similar fate befell 
the Church of Leicester Fields. 

The churches in the first-mentioned union were repre- 
sented in the General Assemblies of the London French 
Churches by only one minister, who sat for ' Les Quatres 
Eglises Unies,' which after 1701 became ' Les Trois Eglises 
Unies ' until 1710. It seems well to call attention to this, as 
these names often occur in other documents. 

It seems probable, in view of the fact that ' Le Quarre" ' 
and < Hungerford Market' were not established by legal 



authority, that the union was really effected for purposes c! 
security under the Letters Patent granted to Peter Allix for 
Jewin Street Church. 


1689. Daniel Dutemps ; resigned 1690. 
Souverain ; resigned 1690. 

1690. Jean Lombard; died 1721. 

Claude Grosteste de la Mothe ; to Savoy 1694. 

Jean Graver ol ; died 1717. 

Jacob Asselin ; died 1708. 

Pierre Peze de Galinieres ; to Dublin 1701. 

Philippe Jouneau ; died 1730. 

des Noyers ; died 1694. 

Henri de Eocheblave ; to Dublin, 1696. 

1691. Pierre Le Grand (Lecteur) ; to Piccadilly 1696-7 
B. Doules ; ceased 1715. 

Pierre Roussilhon. 

Joseph de la Motte ; to Leicesterfields 1694. 
1694. G. de Sicqueville ; resigned 1713 ; died 1720. 
1698. • Fourne (Lecteur) ; died 1706. 

* Duvivier (Lecteur). 
1701(E). Pierre de Tacher; resigned 1728; Min re , 

hon r ^ ; died 1732 
1706(E). Pierre Durand (Lecteur). 
1708(E). De Susy Boham. 

1711. David Durand ; to La Savoie 1729. 

1712. Henri Chatelain ; to Holland 1720-1. 
1715. J. Eynard ; to La Savoie 1720. 
1716(E). Fr. Larroque D'Agneau ; resigned 1720. 
1717(E). Jean Boddens; resigned 1718. 
1719(E). Philippe Delaizement ; resigned 1723. 
1721(E). David Benaud Boulier ; to La Savoie 1726. 
1723(E). Jean Pierre Bernard. 

? Albert le Blanc. 
1727(E). George Cautier. 
1727(E). Samuel Coderc ; died 1773. 



1780(E). Etienne Abel Laval. 

du Bouchet (Lecteur) ; died 1752. 
1752(E). Jacques Parent (Lecteur). 
1760. Nicolas Bobert; died 1769. 
1773(E). Frederic Bugnion ; resigned 1775. 
1775(E). JeanBoget; resigned 1781. 
1781(E). Pierre Francois Prevost; died 1810. 
1786(E). Pierre Lescure ; resigned 1803. 
1796(E). Jac yies Samuel Pons (Lecteur). 
1810(E). Jean Louis Chirol ; died 1837. 
1837(E). Jonathan Cape. 

XV. — Les Eglises de la Patente, — Soho, Spitalfields, 

and City. 

Baron Ferdinand de Schickler has contributed such an 
exhaustive history of these churches that it is only necessary 
to insert a few suggestions and extra facts. 

The Soho Church was first opened in Berwick Street in 
1689, but a new church 1 having been built in Little Chapel 
Street, the congregation removed to the new premises in 
October 1694, after which time the original church seems to 
have been used by another congregation, who used the name 
of * L'Ancienne Patente.' 

' Le Quarre ' Church in Berwick Street was opened in 
July 1694, and therefore the supposition that 'Le Quarre' 
took over the building vacated by the Patent congregation is 

The site of the church in Berwick Street was almost at 
the corner of Maid Place. The site of the chapel in Little 
Chapel Street is now occupied by Messrs. Novello, Ewer & Co. 

A church was opened in Spitalfields in 1689, and from the 
index to the Begisters it is possible that this was situated in 
Crispin Street ; however, if this were the case a move to 
Paternoster Bow 2 had taken place by 1694. Baron Schickler 

1 See note on page 59. 

a Probably the church wa3 in Little Paternoster Row, which is now known 
as Paternoster Row, Brushfield Street. 



thought that the church was not in Paternoster Row until 
1707. It may be permissible here to point out that the 
Crispin Street Church was opened in either 1694 or 1695 ; 
perhaps that congregation took over the building which had 
been used by the Patent congregation. 

Baron de Schickler thought that the congregation using 
Glovers' Hall in Beech Street, Barbican, afterwards moved 
to Spitalfields, but the Registers show plainly that the two 
congregations of Glovers' Hall and Spitalfields were both in 
existence at the same time in 1689. 

Burn mentions a lease of Glovers' Hall, presumably this 
would be for seven years ; if the congregation existed during 
the full period of the lease it would bring us to 1696 ; now 
the Blackfriars congregation is found to be in full vigour in 
1699. It is further known that Blackfriars had some relation- 
ship with the Patent Churches of Soho and Spitalfields ; 
therefore, possibly, the Glovers' Hall congregation built a 
church in Blackfriars, into which they moved at the expiration 
of their lease There was a large French population in the 
liberty of Blackfriars. 

As Baron de Schickler has given the names of the ministers 
serving the Patent Churches, it is nqt necessary to reprint 
them here. 

XVI. — Blackfriars. 

Rev. Percival Clementi Smith, Vicar of St. Andrew's 
Wardrobe, states that he has been informed that this church 
was situated on the east side of Fryar Street. 

It is quite uncertain when or by whom the church was 
formed. We know it existed in 1699, when its deputies 
attended the General Assembly of that year, and so far no 
traces of its existence have been found later than 1718. 

It was at one time connected with the churches called * La 
Patente,' as the ministers of the Patent Churches served it in 
regular rotation in 1703. 

I would suggest the possibility of its being the successor 
of the Patent Church of Glovers' Hall. 



Some Ministers. 

Antoine le Blanc, 1701 and 1702. 
Duval or Daval, 1703. 1 
Grongnet, 1710. 2 

Jean Kouire (mentioned by Dubourdieu), probably 1712 
to 1718. 

Privat (mentioned by Dubourdieu). 

XVII. — Wheeler Street, Spitalfields. 

This church was in existence in 1700, as there is a 
reference to it in a letter from the Threadneedle Street Church 
to the Bishop of London, where it is called Willow Street. 

In 1703 a new Temple appears to have been opened in 
Three Crowns Court, leading out of Wheeler Street. At this 
time a union was arranged with Le Petit Charenton, and both 
churches were served by the ministers of the Patent Churches. 
Probably the ties with La Patente were loosened after a time, 
and they may even have ceased to exist. In 1742, however, 
it was decided to close the church and amalgamate with ' La 
Patente,' Spitalfields. The site of this church appears to have 
been at the spot where Commercial Koad crosses Fleur de Lys 


1703. Jean de la Salle ; resigned 1718 ; became Ministre 

1711. J. D. Cregut (of St. Jean) ; ceased about 1717. 
1713. Jacques Gillet (of West Street, as Joint Min re ) ; 

resigned 1714. 
1717. J. Pod Hollard ; dismissed 1719. 
1720. Jean Baptiste Balguerie de Chautard ; to La Patente 


1725. Francois Samuel Say; died 1742. 

1726. Philip Masson ; to La Patente, Spitalfields, 1742. 

1 Perhaps this was Nicolas Duval, who was at this time serving 'Les 
Paten tea.' * 

2 Grongnet signed a certificate in this year as minister of Blackfriars Church. 



XVIII. — L'Ancienne Patente en Soho. 

All the books relating to this church have been lost, and 
the scattered references which have been found have given 
occasion for some difference of opinion. It may be well to 
recall some facts. 

In 1699 Monsieur Blanc signs as minister of the Old 
Patent Church, Soho. 

In 1700 the Threadneedle Street Church, in the letter to 
the Bishop of London, refers to two Nonconformist congrega- 
tions in Berwick Street. One of these must have been the 
Patent Church which had moved to Little Chapel Street, close 
by, in 1694, but which was still referred to by the old name. 
The other must have been that called ' L'Ancienne Patente,' for 
we know that about 1711 a Chapel of Ease to the parish of 
St. James's, Westminster, had been opened in this street in 
a building which had recently been ' deserted by the French 
Refugees, who had possessed it for a long time.' 

In 1700 Jacques Saurin was ordained by the Bishop of 
London to serve the Nonconformist congregation of the Old 

In 1701 Saurin was elected to serve the Threadneedle 
Street congregation, and he is then stated to have ministered 
to La Vieille Patente. 

In the same year the Act Book of this church refers to 
the Patent Church in Chapel Street as La Petite Patente and 
as La Nouvelle Patente. In 1701 St. Martin's Acts refer to 
La Nouvelle Patente en Sohoe, and in 1702 to a church called 
* L'Ancienne Patente.' 

It seems not improbable that about the time the Patent 
Church removed from Berwick Street some disagreement 
arose among the ministers serving that congregation, and that 
one or two remained in the old Meeting Place, where they 
gathered a new congregation. It is to be noticed that Bardon 
and Souchet appear to have ceased their connection with the 
Patent Church about 1694, while Souchet signs in 1702 in 
the Crispin Street Registers as ' Ministre de 1'eglise de la Yieille 



Should this suggestion be correct it will explain the reason 
of the two names, viz. L'Ancienne Patente and La Nouvelle 

Ministers said to serve L'Ancienne Patente, the * Old Patent 
Church 1 or 'La Vieille Patente.' 

1699. Blanc ('Proc.' vol. vi. p. 271). 

1700. Jacques Saurin (ordained), Fulham MSS. 
1702. Delausac, St. Martin Orgars Acts, March 29, 


1702. 1 Souchet, Crispin Street Begrs., August 30, 


1707. 2 Jean Casamajor (ordained), Fulham MSS. 

XIX. — ' La Pieamide ' or * La Tremblade.' 

It would appear that a congregation assembled for worship 
in the Chapel of Weld House, Soho, about 1690, under the 
authority of the Bishop of London. Three years later a move 
was made to the room over Newport Market House. This 
proving to be inconvenient, a building was erected in West 
Street, which was opened on February 25," 1700, N.S. 

Probably at first worship was conducted according to the 
manner of the French Reformed Church. It was, therefore, 
at this time a Nonconformist, but between 1695 and 1700 
it seems as though the congregation adopted the Common 
Prayer Book as translated for the use of the Savoy con- 
gregation, and thus became entitled to share in the Boyal 
Bounty Fund. 

A Pastoral Union was entered into with Crispin Street 
Church, Spitalfields, in January 1696, N.S., which was 
strengthened in 1700 and dissolved in 1712, when Daniel 
Chaise La Place took sole charge of the latter church. 

1 Baron de Schickler says Souchet left La Patente in 1694. 

* Casamajor had already served La Patente, Soho, but left, according to 
Baron de Schickler, in 1706. He was then temporary minister at La Piramide 
for a few months, and in 1707 we find he was ordained for the Old Patent 
Church. In the entry of his death in the Bristol Registers, 1707. he is said to 
he minister of La Patente. The Regular Patent Ministers were cot ordained by 
the Biahop of London. 



In 1706 the third congregation of Newport Market 
appears to have been absorbed by ' La Piramicfe.' 

From 1720 to 1729 a union existed between this church 
and that of 'La Patente,' Soho. 

The congregation having much decreased in 1742 the 
church appears to have been closed ; most of the members 
are supposed to have joined ' Les Grecs,' Monsieur Yver, 
apparently, accepting a pastorate in Holland. 

The Chapel of Weld House was probably that standing till 
recently in Little Wild Street. 

The West Street Church is now the West Street Mission 
1 Church of All Saints.' 


1690 (?). Jean Gommarc ; probably left 1694. 

Jacques Gillet; to Ireland 1694. 

Pierre Fleury ; probably left 1694. 
1693. Daniel Chaise La Place ; to Crispin Street 1711. 

B. Morin ; probably left 1694. 
1694(E). Jean Pons; to Newport Market (3) 1700. 
1695(E). A. Lombard le jeune ; resigned 1695. 
1695(E). Nicolas Duval ; died 1706. 
1696(E). Bartholomie Basset ; left 1698. 1 
1698(E). Jean Yver, till 1741. 
1700(E). Jean Baptiste Renoult ; to Kilkenny 1706. 
1700. Gedeon Delamotte (Lecteur), still 1723. 
1705(E). Jean Roques ; to chaplaincy in French Regi- 
ment 1708. 

1706(E). Jean Casamajor (temporarily, while Duval ill). 
1706(E). Jacques Gillet (returns from Ireland). 
1706(E). Amaury Philippe Fleury ; to Dublin 1716. 
1716(E). Michel Colombe ; to La Patente Spitalfields 

1720(E). Jean Joseph Daigneaux of La Patente, Soho ; 
resigned 1729. 

1 Basset was probably dismissed. He appears to have become one of the 
disreputable Fleet Prison marrying parsons. 



1721(E). Daniel Olivier ; to Savoy 1721. 

1721(E). Charles Barbe ; to Patente Spitalfields 1729. 

1732(E). Gautier (Lecteur). 

1740 (about). Jean Baptiste Crevel (Lecteur) ; to Quarre 
1742 or 1743. 

XX. — Crispin Street. 

Owing to Laborie's disgraceful conduct (see 1 L'Eglise de 
1'Artillerie Lane ') a large portion of his congregation seceded 
and formed a new church in a building in Crispin Street 
about 1693 or 1694. 

In 1695 a Pastoral Union was arranged with 'La 

In 1700 Pearl Street Church arranged to enter the union, 
and at the same time it was decided to build a new place of 
worship in Crispin Street, on the completion of which in 1701 
the Pearl Street congregation amalgamated with this church. 
The union with ' La Piramide ' appears to have ceased in 
1711, Daniel Chaise La Place remaining at Crispin Street. 

In 1717 the church building was purchased by ' La 
Patente,' Spitalfields, and probably the congregation was 
absorbed by that church. 

It is probable that originally this church was Noncon- 
formist but afterwards Conformed. 

The site of the first church in Crispin Street seems now 
to be covered by Brushfield Street. The second was on the 
west side of the street, midway between Brushfield Street and 
Lamb Street. 

Note. — There seems reason to believe that possibly the 
first building in Crispin Street had been used previously by 
La Patente Church. 


1694. Bartholomie Basset (see West Street). 

Philippe La Loe ; left 1695. 
1695-1711. Served by ministers of West Street. 
1711. Daniel Chaise La Place, till 1716. 
1711. Isaac Babault ; resigned 1711 or 1712. 

Francois Durete, about 1711 to 1716. 



XXI. — Pearl Street. 

After Laborie {see ' L'Eglise de l'Artillerie Lane ' and 
Crispin Street) had to some extent recovered himself he 
founded a new church in Pearl Street about 1697. This 
church was probably on the north side of the street and near 
Grey Eagle Street. He appears, however, to have again 
caused some scandal, and to have left the church vacant and 
taken his passage to America, where he got himself elected 
as minister of a church. When this became known to the 
French Churches in London, representations were made to the 
Bishop of London, who then took measures which ensured his 
dismissal from that office. This man claimed to have been 
a Eomish priest in France, and therefore, after making his 
recantation, he was received into the French churches without 
re-ordination ; but Dubourdieu, as the result of inquiries, seems 
to believe that his statements were false. It was said that he 
returned from America to France and died a Eoman Catholic. 

After Laborie left this church his place was filled by 
Lescure de la Prade mi til December 1699, when he resigned, 
and Bernard Eichon was elected. He resigned the following 
year, and Jean Baptiste Eenoult became the minister ; shortly 
after a union was arranged with Crispin Street and West 
Street Churches. In 1701 this church ceased to exist ; the 
place of worship being closed and the congregation joined 
Crispin Street. 

XXII. — French Chapel Eoyal of St. James' Palace. 

William III, soon after his arrival, granted the use of 
the Friary Chapel for the use of the French Eefugees attached 
to the Court, the ministers being appointed Eoyal Chaplains. 

The French congregation decreasing in numbers, an 
exchange of chapels was made with the German Lutheran 
congregation in 1781. The chapel was till recently used by 
the latter. 

In 1809 the small chapel to which the French had 
removed was burnt, and not rebuilt. An arrangement was 
then made with the German congregation by which the 



French services were resumed in the Friary Chapel, but these 
ceased finally in June 1810. and in 1830 the chaplaincies, 
now become sinecures, were suppressed. 

At first the services were conducted according to the 
manner of the French Reformed Church, but in 1710 the 
French translation of the Anglican Liturgy was introduced 
and used until the close. 


1689. Abraham Gilbert ; probably died 1711. 

Jean Menard. 
1700. Philippe Menard ; died 1737. 

Jean Pierre Brisac (Lecteur). 
1710. Pierre Rivals. 

Jean Mayeu (Lecteur). 
1728. Israel Antoine Aufrere {vice Pdvals) ; died 1758. 
1738. Jean Serces (vice P. Menard) ; until 1761. 

Michel Eloy Nollet (Lecteur) ; died 1756. 
1756. Pierre de Rocheblave. 
1756. Thomas Herve. 

1758. Jacque3 Theodore Muysson (Lecteur). 

1762. Cesar de Missy. 

1769. Charles de Guiffardiere ; died 1810. 

1771. Samuel Mauzy ; died 1804. 

1771. T. L. Barbauld. 

1775. Bernard Perny. 

1783. Etienne Gibert (Lecteur) ; died 1817. 
1804. Jean Louis Chirol (also Lecteur in 1825). 

1816. Nicholas Carey. 

1817. Alexandre Sterky. 

Marc Theophile Couton Abauzit (Lecteur) ; retired 

1820. Jean Scipion Sabonadiere (Lecteur) ; died 1825. 

XXIII. — Somekset House. 

Mention has already been made of the use of this chapel 
by the congregation, which afterwards became the Church of 
the Savoy. 



In 1691, in the ' Calendar of State Papers (Domestic),' 
June 3, we find reference made to a certificate granted by 
the minister of ' the French Church in Somerset House.' On 
referring to the original document it was found that it read 
' the French Church in So Ho.' The copyist in error altering 
the old form of Soho into Somerset House. 

XXIV. — Newpobt Market. 

Under West Street it has been mentioned that that con- 
gregation used the room over the Newport Market House for 
some years. 

In 1700, after West Street Church was opened, a portion 
of the old congregation seceded under the leadership of Jean 
Pons, one of the old ministers, and thus formed the second 
church of Newport Market. A Pastoral Union was entered 
into with another congregation, who were ministered to by 
Monsieur de la Prade. In November 1700 these two con- 
gregations appear to have merged and moved to Eiders' 
Court Church. 

A third congregation used the room for Divine worship. 
It would appear that the first service was held on April 13, 
1701, and it was decided to call it ' L'Eglise du Petit Charen- 
ton.' In 1703 a union was arranged with Wheeler Street 
Church. This congregation existed until 1705, when it was 
absorbed by ' West Street.' 

Ministers of Third Congregation. 

1701. Henri D'Aubigny ; resigned 1702. 

Louis de Lescure de la Prade (returned from 
Eiders' Court) ; left 1702. 

1702. Jean le Gros ; left 1702. 
1702. D'Auberoche ; left 1703. 

1703 to 1705. Ministers of ' La Patents ' Churches. 

Probably from 1701 to 1702 there was some sort of union 
between Le Petit Charenton and Wapping. 



All these churches were in turn called ' L'Eglise de la 

Newport Market was a little north of Newport Court. 
The Charing Cross Boad now crosses the site. 

XXV. — St. Martin's Lane. 

In the letter sent by the Threadneedle Street Church 
to the Bishop of London in 1700, giving particulars of 
the Nonconformist French Churches, reference is made to 
a church in St. Martin's Lane, near Leicester Fields. It is 
probable that this was a congregation served at this time by 
Mr. de la Prade, of which there is a casual mention in the 
Act Books of the West Street Church. If this should prove 
to be the case, it is also probable that this congregation 
coalesced with that served by Monsieur Pons, and which had 
remained at Newport Market House when the larger part of 
that congregation had removed to West Street Church. 

These two congregations thus become one probably opened 
the Riders' Court Church. 

It is possible that the meeting place for Divine service was 
in St. Peter's Court, St. Martin's Lane. 

XXVI. — Quaker Street. 

The Threadneedle Street Church, in their letter to the 
Bishop of London in 1700, speak of a Nonconformist Church 
in Quaker Street. 

Bawl; MSS., C. 984, f. 146, contains this extract : 

* I certify that the 27 October, 1700, I have baptised, in 
the church situated in Quaquers Street, a child, &c, &c. 
' Done in Spittlefields the 21st July, 1705. 

1 F. Papin Prefontaine, Minister.' 

There are no other known references, but from indirect 
evidence the church probably existed for some years later. 
vol. vm. — NO. I. E 



XXVII. — L'Eglise du Makche de Spitalfields. 

From an entry in the Crispin Street Registers it appears 
that one of their ministers (probably De la Prade, who left them 
in December 1699) had established a church on £ Le MarcheV 

A reference is also made to this church by Threadneedle 
Street in a letter to the Bishop of London dated May 14, 
1700 ; but from this time there is no further information 
obtainable until 1719, when, in the ' Repertoire General ' at 
Somerset House, entries of baptisms at 'Le Marche ' com- 
mence. Whether one is the continuation of the other, or 
whether it is a new church, is most uncertain. 

Note. — It seems probable that there were two distinct 
congregations which used Le Marehe for public worship. 
The first probably was soon dissolved ; about the second it is 
possible some light may be gained by following the entries 
relating to Isaac Babault, the minister at the time of the first 
recorded entry in the Registers. 

In 1706 he signs in the Artillery Register as Ministre 

From 1709 to February 1716 he was apparently a 
minister of Bell Lane, in 1710 he also signs as minister of 
Rose Lane, and in 1711 as one of the ministers of Crispin 
Street, while from 1712 to 1717 we know he was one of the 
Auxiliary Ministers at La Patente, Spitalfields. There is 
reason to think that Bell Lane had some pastoral connection 
with La Patente. 

It must be remembered that the trouble between the two 
Patent Churches of Soho and Spitalfields was at its height 
in 1716 and 1717. In the last-mentioned year Babault hoped 
to be elected as one of the permanent ministers of Spitalfields, 
but was defeated by Michel Colombe. 

In 1716 the last entry relating to Bell Lane appears in 
the ' Repertoire General,' and in 1717 Crispin Street Church 
was absorbed by ' La Patente.' 

Is it possible, then, that about 1717 he united portions of 
the Crispin Street, Bell Lane, and La Patente congregations 
into a new church meeting in ' Le Marehe ' ? 



XXVIII. -Brown's Lane. 

This church would appear to have been built in 1720 for 
the use of the congregation which had up to that time met for 
worship over the Market House, Spitalfields. The number of 
people assembling here must have been considerable, as it was 
seated for 1,200 persons. 

Spitalfields Market House was burnt about this time, but 
whether or not this was the cause of the building of this 
church does not appear. 

The congregation was at first Nonconformist, but became 
Conformist in 1723, as the people could no longer support 
the minister, and by conforming they obtained a grant from 
the Royal Bounty. The church was dissolved in 1740, and 
soon after the building was sold to 'La Patente,' who moved 
hence from Crispin Street. 

Brown's Lane is now called Hanbury Street, and Hanbury 
Hall is the old church slightly altered. 

Ministers (Probable List). 

1719. Isaac Babault ; ceased about July 1720. 

J. Kod Hollard ; suspended by General Assembly. 
August 1720 ; resigned October 1721. 

1721. Abraham Le Moyne ; continued until close. 

1722. J. Mollin de Montagny ; ceased 1723. 

1723. Fr. Samuel Say ; left December 1725. 
1726. Samuel Coderc. 

1726. Samuel de la Douespe ; ceased 1730. 

1727. J. Guiteau (Lecteur). 

XXIX. - L'Eglise Nouvelle en Spiterfilds. 

An entry in the Registers of the Artillery Church is 
signed by 'Arnoult, Ministre de l'eglise nouvelle en Spiter- 
filds,* and is dated March 1704. 

The name of this minister is not known as serving any 
London Church with which we are acquainted. It may have 
been a small and ephemeral congregation, or it may be a 
record of an attempt by St. Martin Orgars to open an annexe 



in Spitalfields ; or again, it may bp. the only reference left to us 
of a French minister appointed to preach in the Tabernacle 
which had been erected in 1694 by the Rev. Sir George 
Wheler. Its primary purpose was as a sort of Chapel of Ease 
to Stepney Church ; but he evidently had some idea of having 
a French minister attached, as provision is made for one in 
his will dated 1709 (quoted by Burn, p. 176). The site of 
Wheler's Tabernacle is now occupied by St. Mary's, Spital- 

Sir George Wheler's Tabernacle was built on the site of 
one of the plague pits of 1665. 

Burn confuses Wheeler Street Church and Sir George 
"Wheler's Tabernacle. 

XXX. — Bell Lane, Spitalfields. 

Very little is known of this congregation, and the original 
Registers appear to have been lost. There are, however, 
extracts from some or all of them in the book called the 
' Repertoire General ' preserved in Somerset House. These 
entries commence December 25, 1709, and conclude Febru- 
ary 5, 1716. 

We, however, have a reference to this church in the 
Registers of the Artillery Church on January 3, 1709, and 
a mention of one of its ministers in 1723 in the Fulham 
MSS. It was probably dissolved in the next year. 

Judging by the ministers who officiated at many of the 
baptisms it would seem as though the church had some 
connection with both Crispin Street Church and the Patent 
Church in Spitalfields. 

Bell Lane runs from Crispin Street to Wentworth Street. 
The site of the church is unknown. 


1709. Isaac Babault, to about 1716 or 1717. 

1714. Jean Baptiste Liegeois (for about three years). 

1723. Jean Pierre Stehelin. 



XXXI— Eose Lane. 

Only one reference to this church has been found. It i 
in the Registers of the Church of St. Jean, under date May 28, 
1710, when Mr. Babault signs as ' Ministre de l'eglise de 
Rose Lane.' 

There was a Meeting House in Rose Alley or Court, 
Bishopsgate Street, and perhaps a French congregation may 
have been p. fa users. Rose Lane (properly so-called) ran 
parallel with Bell Lane ; it is now part of Commercial Road. 
No trace of any place of worship in this street can be found. 


Maitland in the 'History of London' (1739) states that 
this church was in Slaughter Street. It was probably at or 
close to the corner of Slaughter Street and Cygnet Street. 

The Register commences in 1721, and the last entry is 
dated 1735, but there is a loose paper inserted entitled 
' Extrait du Registre des papiers de l'eglise qui s'assemble 
a Swanfilds,' September 8, 1740. 


Henry Briel, 1721 to 1734. 

J. L. Delezenot, 1734 and 1735. 

XXXIII.— Cooks Lane, Swanfields. 

In the Register of \ L'Eglise de St. Jean ' is pinned a loose 
sheet headed ' Extrait des registres des Baptemes de l'eglise 
francoise de Cook Lane.' 

The extract is of a baptism performed in 1731 by H. Briel, 
Pasteur, while the copy is certified by J. L. Delezenot, 
Pasteur, 1735. 

The Swanfields congregation may have first met in Cooks 
Lane and then have moved to Slaughter Street, but no other 
particulars are obtainable. 



XXXIV.— Chelsea. 

A chapel for the use of the Refugees was built in Cooks 

It is thus described by L 'Estrange in his ' Village of 
Palaces ' : ' It is a tiny structure about 15 feet high, having 
round-headed windows with thick wooden mullions and a 
large skylight in the centre of the roof.' 

L 'Estrange appears to have found some references to it 
about 1687. This chapel was afterwards used by various 
Nonconformist congregations, finally being pulled down about 
1892. The site is now occupied by Nos. 64 and 65 Glebe 

It is not known when the French services ceased. 

Dubourdieu mentions as having served this church before 


L'Hirondelle, both of whom were proselytes. 
We also rind 

David Duval in 1740 and 1750. 

XXXV. — Little Chelsea. 

Dubourdieu mentions a chapel in this district, and from 
inductive evidence it seems probable that it occupied a part 
of the site on which Park Chapel now stands. 

• We only know two of its ministers, Jean Bion (probably 
from 1708 to 1717), and L'Hirondelle. 

XXXVL— Geeenwich. 

Little is known of this congregation, but apparently at 
first the use of the Parish Church was granted for a French 
service at the conclusion of the morning service. Afterwards 
a church was erected for the sole use of the French Refugees. 




1686. Henri de Rocheblave ; to Hungerford Market 1690. 

1687. Jean Severin ; to Dublin 1694. 
1693-1. Elie Brevet. 

1707. Riviere. 
1709. ParvisoL 

1717. Esias Matte or Matthey, still in 1720. 
1720. D'Ambesiaux. 

XXXYIL — Hammersmith. 

It is not known where this church was situated, or when 
the congregation first was formed. It has been suggested that 
the church stood near Brook Green. 

1702. Bernard Eichon. 
1704. Noe Mazara ; died 1724. 
1729. Jean Pierre Stehelin ; also in 1733. 
1743. Jean Pierre Bernard ; also in 1744. 
1752. Jacques Parent; also in 1756. 


It is not improbable that this church was formed by Dr. 
Jacques Cappel, who, previous to the Ptevocation, had been 
Hebrew Professor in the University of Saumur. In 1708 he 
accepted a post as Professor of Oriental Languages at the 
Dissenting Hoxton Square Academy. 

When in 1714 we first meet with a mention of this 
church it is when it sends its representative to a General 

It was at first a Nonconformist Church, but in 1785, to 
obtain assistance from the Royal Bounty Fund, it was decided 
to conform and use the French translation of the English 
Liturgy. It seems probable that it ceased to exist very shortly 
after this date. 

Probably at first the congregation were allowed the use of 
the Nonconformist Chapel, at the corner of Hoxton Square, at 



convenient hours. Latterly they appear to have had the use 
of some part of the Haberdashers' Hospital. 

Dr. Jacques Cappel (problematical). 
1714. Isaac Babault ; also in 1717. 
1735. De Lernot. 
1742. Abraham Le Moyne. 
174> . Jacob Bourdillon; to 1783. 
1775. Pierre Lescure ; to 1785. 
1785. Jean Scipion Sabonadiere. 

XXXIX.— Islington. 

About 1696 Monsieur Des Aguliers appears to have 
preached to a congregation in this village. 

In 1718 Dubourdieu states that Jean Baptiste Liegeois 
•was serving a congregation. 

XL. — Kensington Palace. 

It is believed that French services were held here for the 
benefit of the Piefugees from about 1690 to 1700. 

XLI. and XLII. — Hackney and Bow. 
It is supposed that there were churches at both places. 

XLIII. — Marylebone. 

Burn makes a strange error in giving the date of 1656 
as that in which the two ministers he mentions were serving 
this church. One of them was a minister here in 1742, and 
the other was living, and perhaps here, in 1781. Probably 
the congregation was formed between 1685 and 1700, but we 
have no authentic reference before 1717. 

The church was situated just off Marylebone Lane. The 
site is probably now covered by Beaumont Mews. It appears 
to have been nearly in the centre of the block surrounded 
by Marylebone High Street, Devonshire Street, Beaumont 
Street, and Weymouth Street. 




Jean Bion, 1718. 

Jean Joseph de Montignac in 1727 and 1744. 
Michel Eloy Nollet, 1742, and still there in 1755. 
Perhaps also 

Eobert de Sery in 1751. 
Bernard Perny in 1781. 

XLIY. — Pesthouse. 
From the time when this hospital was granted by the 
City for the use of the sick and infirm among the Refugees 
a daily service was held for the use of the inmates, and, 
apparently, residents in the neighbourhood were allowed to 

Jacques Fontaine was minister from 1692 to 1714 or 1715, 
when Fr. Duplessis was appointed to succeed him. This 
minister was the first chaplain of the French Hospital. 

The hospital grounds, roughly, occupied the ground now 
enclosed between Bath Street, Richmond Street, Lizard Street, 
and Radnor Street. 

XLV. — Wandsworth. 

The history of this church has been so fully dealt with 
by Mr. J. T. Squire in < Proc.,' vol. i. p. 229, that it is quite 
unnecessary to refer to it here. 

The following list of ministers is given for ease of 

1681. Elie Brevet, afterwards at Greenwich. 
1688. Jean de la Salle, probably to 1700. 
1699. Pierre Bossatran. 

1706. Jacques Tapin de Barhay (Lecteur) ; also in 1717. 

1707. Armand de la Chapelle ; to Leicester Fields 1711. 
1707. Paul la Roque Boyer ; also in 1732. 

1716. St, Paul Bouquet. 

1717. Roland. 
1759. Henry. 
1786. Carle. 

1786. Jean Scipion Sabonadiere. 



XLYI. — Wapping. 

About 1701 or 1702 Monsieur de la Pracle rented a house 
at 10/. per annum in Milk Alley, Wapping, which he pitted, up 
at his own charge as a chapel for the use of the French- 
speaking frequenters of this district. 

The services were conducted according to the discipline of 
the French Reformed Church for the first three years, after 
which the English Liturgy in French was adopted. 

In its early days the church would seem to have had some 
alliance with Le Petit Charenton. 

Apparently, after a time the congregation must have 
moved to a new building in Simpson's Gardens, Gravel Lane ; 
and sometime after 1766 this church was burnt down and not 
rebuilt, the then incumbent selling the endowment for 150/. to 
a hatmaker, who enjoyed the revenues for some years. 

The first church was probably on the west side of Milk 
Alley, which was destroyed to form the Lock to Wapping Basin. 

1702. Louis Lescure de la Prade. 
1711. Charles de L'oste or de l'Astre. 

1713. J. Prelleur ; also in 1717. 

1714. Gaily de Gaujac ; also in 1722. 

1742. Francois Le Beaupin. 

1743. Jean le Monnier ; also in 1748. 
1764. Guyot. 

1766. Engelbert Joseph Fezant or Faisan. 
1773. Barnel. 

Bourdillon also mentions Say as one of the Ministers here. 

XLYII. — A French Baptist Church. 

In 1646 was published a Confession of Faith by the 
Particular Baptist Churches meeting in London. It was 
signed on behalf of seven English congregrations, and also 
by two ministers of a 'French congregation of the same 
judgment.' The ministers names were : 

Christopher Duret 

Denis le Bar bier. 



Ivimey 1 (from whose work the above notice was extracted) 
could find no other reference to this congregation. 

XL VIII. — The Feench Prophets' Meetings. 

These, although not properly Befugee Churches, should 
not be omitted, as they sprang from them. 

These Meetings were established about the time of the 
war in the Cevennes by some of the Refugees from that 
district. Certain persons claimed that in their ecst:.tic 
trances they received divine revelations, and they gathered a 
considerable number of adherents. 

Much trouble was caused not only in the French churches, 
but also in some of the English churches, by differences of 
opinion concerning the pretensions of these impostors ; some 
even of the pastors having been carried away for a time by 
their dissimulation. 

Some of the assemblies continued for a considerable 
number of years ; and it is interesting to notice that both 
Wesley and T\ nitefield had occasion to warn then followers 
against the false teaching of these men and women. 

Note on La Patente, Soho (see p. 39). 

Burn gives an extract (p. 168) from the Acts of the Con- 
sistory of La Patente, Spitalfields, in which it is stated that 
Lady Hollis gave on behalf of Queen Mary 300?. towards 
the building of the church in Soho. In a Funeral Sermon 
preached after the death of Lady Clinton in 1707 it is stated 
that this lady procured a considerable sum from the Qu^en 
towards the expense of building this church, also that Lady 
Clinton laid the first brick, and finally was buried in the 
church. As Lady Clinton and Lady Hollis were apparently 
sisters, this may account for the confusion. 

1 Hist, of English Baptists, vol. i. p. 175 ; vol. ii. p. 295. 



tjugucnot^ in tfje ^a^tttfc 

By J. H. PHILPOT, M.D., M.E.C.P. 

In the course of some recent researches a stray reference 
led me to consult the published Archives of the Bastille, and 
therein I found matter so interesting that I thought it might 
serve, when supplemented by other reading, as an appropriate 
subject for a paper to be read before this Society. I must 
warn you that it will contain none of those new and hitherto 
unpublished details which you are entitled to expect from 
those who have the honour to occupy this place. It will be 
simply an attempt to reconstruct a chapter in the Huguenot 
persecution from contemporary documents, which are open 
to all ; to exhibit the Bastille in the novel role imposed upon . 
it at the Bevocation as an engine of conversion ; to pass in 
review the men who set in motion, and fed and worked the 
monstrous machine, the victims who succumbed to its insidious 
pressure, and above all the steadfast spirits who obstinately 
resisted and finally triumphed over it. 

As no doubt many of you know, these contemporary 
documents, the Bastille Archives, have had a strange and 
chequered history. Scarcely, with infinite labour, had they 
been arranged and classified by expert archivists, when the 
Bevolution inaugurated itself with the unexpected capture by 
the people of the hated fortress. In the mad license which 
ensued, the documents, numbering over half a million separate 
sheets, were plucked from their cases, tossed into the court- 
yard, into the fosSj torn into shreds, then pillaged by auto- 
graph hunters and sensation mongers, finally bivouacked 
upon, trodden in the mud and befouled by the very troops 
who had been sent there to protect them. Then for a time 



the question of their disposal, of their publication, became 
one of the burning topics of the hour. But in those early 
days of the E evolution still more burning questions arose, 
one on the heels of the other ; and, after various wanderings, 
the unfortunate documents were at length crammed into an 
empty chamber at the Arsenal, and in process of time forgotten 
and, as it were, mislaid. Eager students who from time to 
time desired to consult them were told, and rightly, that they 
had totally disappeared. Half a century passed, when one 
day in the year 1840 a young resident clerk attached to the 
library of the Arsenal, having occasion to repair his kitchen 
floor, found beneath a displaced flagstone a mass of old 
papers. He took out the first that came to hand : it was a lettre 
de cachet. He had discovered the long-lost Archives and 
therewith the mission of his life. His name was- Francois 
Eavaisson. Fifty years he devoted to the Herculean labour 
of sorting, deciphering and transcribing the tangled mass of 
papers, and in ransacking Europe for documents to elucidate 
them. These he successively published in seventeen volumes 
— a monument worthy of his industry and zeal. They form 
the most interesting and illuminating reading for one who 
studies them, as I have done, for the light they throw from 
the Catholic side upon the Huguenot persecution and the 
events which led up to it. No one in this room will be 
inclined to underrate the momentous importance of the 
Eevocation of the Edict of Nantes. For the history of France 
it was, as Michelet holds, the cardinal event of the seventeenth 
century, the event towards which the whole century inevitably 
moved. But in order to gain a true and just appreciation 
thereof, it is obviously desirable to study it in conjunction with 
the politics of the time and the circumstances which pre- 
ceded it. And towards this the volumes of the Bastille 
Archives, revealing as they do facts, terrible facts, sedulously 
kept back from the public of that day, afford indispensable 

Ever since the days of Eichelieu the Bastille had always 
included among its other functions that of a reformatory 
or house of correction. Like our own Tower, it was a place 



where hot-headed young nobles might be laid by the heels 
until they should come to a better temper. It was one of 
the instruments whereby Louis XIV secured that ameliora- 
tion in manners, if not in morals, which must certainly be laid 
to the credit of his reign. So that its conversion into a 
religious reformatory, a place of correction for recalcitrant 
Protestants, involved no startling innovation in the mechanism 
of Government, whatever it may have involved in point of 
State policy. And yet in the history of the Huguenot 
persecution the part assigned to the Bastille was exceptional, 
if not unique, bearing indeed as it did the impress of a very 
different brain from that which invented the dragonnades 
and instigated all the other barbarous and revolting cruelties 
of the persecution in the provinces. 

I will ask you to dismiss once for all from your minds 
the legends of horror which have grown up around the 
Bastille, legends that have died hard, nay, that live still, 
even in the imagination of those who have grown up around 
its very site. 1 At the period with which we are concerned 
the Bastille was not for the incarcerated Huguenot, the 
secret torture-house, the living tomb we have been led to 
believe it. In this respect it compared most favourably with 
the provincial prisons. For the criminals of Paris the 
Bastille had no doubt its terrors, its dungeons, and its torture 
chambers. It is impossible to read without a shudder the 
accounts of the question, ordinary and extraordinary, of the 
torture almost unto death, as applied to those guilty of 
grievous crime. But there is no evidence whatever that 
actual physical cruelty was ever employed against any of its 
Protestant inmates. To moral torture, to poignant distress 
of mind, to grievous wounds of the affections they were no 
doubt very deliberately exposed. These were indeed an 
integral part of the scheme according to which the Bastille 
was to be made to contribute its quota to the manufacture of 
New Catholics. But the utmost physical discomfort that the 
Huguenots had to endure — and that not invariably — was 

1 See Preface by M. V. Sardou to F. Funck-Brentano's Legendeset Archives 
de la Bastille. Paris, 1898. 



limited to solitary confinement. It was through their friends 
and families that they were chiefly made to sutler, through 
their knowledge that while they themselves were safe 
and well cared for their wives and daughters in distant 
chateaux were exposed to hunger and want, and to the 
violence and insults of the soldiers quartered upon them, 
that then estates were being eaten up, their houses burnt, 
their treasures pillaged ; or, in other cases, with a still more 
subtle cruelty, that their young children were bestowed in 
convents with the view of cajoling, of warping, of compelling 
them from the faith of their fathers. But personally— all 
the evidence points to it — the Bastille prisoners were not 
unkindly treated, were comfortably housed, were supplied 
with any furniture they cared to procure, were liberally fed, 
while everyone around them, governor, turnkeys, visiting 
priests, engaged in an amiable conspiracy to convince them 
of the error of their ways, and of the extreme advantage 
to them of bowing to the King's will and accepting his 
religion and his alms. It was a diabolical plan, and, in the 
vast majority of cases, was only too successful in its results. 
It demanded the close and cordial co-operation of many minds, 
and the Archives tell us with how surprising an unanimity 
and even enthusiasm all who were concerned carried out 
their novel functions. 

First the King, who appears as taking an intimate and 
unremitting interest in the workings of the scheme ; immedi- 
ately under him the Marquis de Seignelay, son of le Grand 
Colbert, and Minister of Marine, in whose department lay 
the superintendence of religious affairs in the Isle de France ; 
subordinate to him, the Lieutenant-General of Police, Nicolas 
de la Reynie, a man in every respect worthy of a better task : 
then that zealous amateur missionary, M. de Besmaus, the 
Governor of the Bastille; next the Commissary, Delamarre 
and the two ' exempts ' or police-sergeants, Desgrez and 
Auzillon ; then the various priests who visited and tried to 
convert the prisoners, from the exalted Bossuet to their fellow- 
captive, the Scottish Abbe Lamont. ..And behind them all, 
seldom mentioned by name but always felt to be present, the 



silent, sinister figure of Mme. de Main tenon, whom we may 
perhaps not unjustly regard as the secret inspirer of the whole 

It will not, I think, be beyond the scope of this paper or 
the range of your interest to pass these various personages 
briefly under review. 

It is not easy to dissect the enigmatic character of the 
Grand Monarque in a paragraph. I doubt if the shrewdest 
historin i has written anything more illuminating for our 
present purpose than these few words of his clear-sighted and 
level-headed sister-in-law, the Princess Palatine. ' One cannot 
imagine,' she writes [to the Electress Sophia, May 16, 169G, 

* how silly the great man is where religion is concerned — he 
is so in nothing else. It is because he has never read 
anything treating of religion, or the Bible, so he believes 
sverything told him on these matters. When he had a 

. mistress who was not pious he gave up piety too, but since he 
has fallen in love with a woman who talks of nothing but 
penance, he believes all that she says.' 1 

We have there the salient facts about Louis, his ignorance 
and his tendency, nay, his need, to repose upon a stronger 
will. 4 Surround him with good men,' wrote Fenelon of him 
to Mme. de Maintenon. ' Let him be governed, since he 
wishes it.' 

But even the Princess Palatine, near as she was to the 
events and to the actors in them, can never have realised the 
violence of the psychical storm which transferred the King 
from the frankly imperious sway of Mme. de Montespan to 
the apparently gentle and self-effacing, but in reality far more 
effectual, dominance of her successor. All this we can gather, 
or at least infer, from the Archives of the Bastille, the cells 
}f which fortress were scarcely vacated by the scores of 
'.orceresses and poisoners, some of them the confessed accom- 
tlices of the one mistress, than they were filled by those 
diom we may not unreasonably regard as the victims of the 
bher. Strange irony, that the dregs of France should within 

* 1 Life and Letters of Cliarlotte Elizabeth, Princess Palatine, p. 72. 
»ndon, 1889. 


a year or two have been succeeded by its elite, and, stranger 
still, that it should have been the crimes of the one that 
led, not so very indirectly, to the tribulation of the others ! 
No one who has read modern writers on the x\ffair of the 
Poisons 1 can have failed to realise the cataclysmic effect 
produced on the King by the discoveries of the Chambre 
Ardente. It is scarcely open to doubt that as the inquiry 
proceeded the conviction was forced upon Louis that Itfme. 
de Montespan, in her desperate attempts to maintain her 
ascendency over him, had been an accessory to, if not the 
actual instigator of, a series, of the most revolting practices, 
sacrilegious travesties of what to Louis was the most solemn 
imaginable mystery, involving appeals to the devil and the 
slaughter of new-born children under circumstances of such 
revolting indecency and profanity as could hardly be con- 
ceived, one would imagine, outside a madhouse ; the ultimate 
object of these secret witchcrafts being to secure by the aid of 
drugs the enduring attachment of the King. Louis, com- 
pounded as he was of limitless egoism and limitless super- 
stition, was not the man to forgive this assault upon his 
prerogative. The favourite fell into irretrievable disgrace, 
the affair was hurriedly hushed up, and the evidence of his 
mistress's complicity destroyed by the King, as he thought 
for ever, while the scores of surviving prisoners, whom he 
dared not now bring to trial, were silenced by a life-long 
incarceration. But the ghastly disclosures no doubt left an 
ineffaceable trace on the King's spirit, afflicting his 
conscience with a sense of partnership in guilt and of the 
need for a life-long penance, and scaring him into the arms 
of Mme. de Maintenon and the priests, who were not slow 
to work upon his terrors in the interest of their own pro- 

It is to be added that these events occurred at a favourable 
psychological moment in the King's life. They found him at 
an age — midway between forty and fifty — when the pleasures 
and temptations of youth are relaxing their hold, and when, 

1 Pierre Clement, 2Ime. de Honiesnan et Louis XTV, p. 105 et seg. Paris, 
1868. Frantz Funck-Brentano, Le Drame des Poisons. Paris, 1899. 
VOL. vin. — NO. I. F 



if oue is a man of tremendous energy, as Louis undoubtedly 
was, the craving for occupation is apt to supersede most other 
appetites. From this date we find the King devoting himself 
more and more assiduously to the humdrum administration 
of his State. In this matter of the Huguenot persecution the 
Archives represent him as taking the most minute interest in 
all the little details about his more important prisoners. He 
determines when they shall be arrested, how they shall be 
treated, whom they are to see, how much they are to cost per 
diem, when and at whose hands they are to make their 
abjuration. To us this conscientious devotion to detail, this 
industrious office-work is mainly interesting as giving a 
measure of the man, as a standing witness to his essential 
mediocrity. Another trait not incompatible with mediocrity 
was his love of order, of decorum, of a certain outward 
decency of behaviour. The passion he had for uniformity 
spelt in the religious sphere a demand for conformity. All 
France must be a Versailles, the orderly reflection of a single 
mind and will, and not a striving, growing, weltering organism 
slowly working out its own salvation. 

But when all has been said against Louis, it remains to 
his credit that he was able to secure the loyal affection and 
devoted service of some of the best ministers (as well as the 
worst) that ever served a king. The attitude towards him of 
men like Colbert and De la Eeynie says more for him than 
pages of panegyric. 

De Seignelay, the minister through whom the King's orders 
were transmitted, may be dismissed in a few words. There is 
no evidence that he took much more than an official interest 
in the Bastille scheme. He was busy with the marine, slowly 
building up the fleet which Colbert, his father, had founded, 
and which was ere long to be destroyed at La Hogue. But 
his father's liberal policy towards the Protestants he had 
neither the power, nor probably the inclination, to continue. 
He could only make head against his overbearing rival, 
Louvois, the author of the Dragonnades, by the support of 
Mme. de Maintenon ; and his three sisters, the Duchesses of 
Chevreuse, of Beauvilliers, and of Mortemart, were enthusiastic 



Catholics and leading members of that pious coterie which 
seconded Mine, de Maintenon in her efforts to keep the 
King's feet in the strait way. 

The most important personality we have to deal with is 
that of Gabriel Nicolas de la Eeynie the Lieutenant-General 
of Police, who was responsible for the working of the scheme. 
A Gascon by birth, De la Eeynie had already proved himself 
an able and faithful administrator when, at the age of forty- 
two, Colbert selected him from among the maitres des requites 
to fill the newly created post of Lieutenant of Police. The 
functions of the appointment were partly administrative and 
partly magisterial ; its holder was, as it were, a commissioner 
of police, a city magistrate, and a board of health all rolled 
into one. At the time of the Pievocation De la Eeynie had 
already been in office for eighteen years, and he remained 
there for another twelve. He brought to his duties an intelli- 
gence, a vigilance, an energy, an unquestioned probity, and 
withal a tact and conciliatoriness which place him among the 
very foremost of civil administrators. According to Saint 
Simon's estimate, he was ' a man of great virtue and great 
capacity, who, occupying a post which he may be said to have 
created, might easily have incurred the enmity, and yet had 
secured the esteem, of all.' 

Fortunate as perhaps it was for the Protestants of Paris, 
it was only through a Court intrigue, as we learn from the 
Marquis de Sourches, 1 that their interests came to be entrusted 
to so comparatively mild an administrator as De la Eeynie. 
In the long struggle for preponderance in the Eoyal Council 
waged between Louvois and the Colberts, the Lieutenant of 
Police, though owing his advancement to the latter, had 
thrown what influence he possessed into the scale of the 
Minister of War. When the question of religion came acutely 
to the front in 1685, Seignelay, who was responsible for the 
measures to be taken in Paris, resolved, with the approval of 
the King, to withdraw them from his father's protege, De la 
Reynie, and to entrust them to his declared rival, the Lieu- 
tenant Civil, Le Camus. But De Harlay, then Procureur- 

P. Cl&nent, La Police sous Louis XIV, p. 269. Paris, 1866. 



General of the Parliament of Paris, happened to hate Le 
Camus, and with the aid of Louvois brought such influence to 
bear upon the King that Seignelay's decision was overruled. 
So far the Marquis de Sourches. But, according to the evidence 
of the Archives, the transference of the Protestant question 
to De la Beynie took place more than two years earlier. 
* Before that date the orders of De Seignelay in reference to 
Protestant prisoners had been addressed to the Lieutenant 
Civil ; but on January 16, 1683, we find him writing to De la 
Beynie with reference to a certain Mme. Dupont, that ' the 
King had resolved, without difficulty, that the case came within 
the cognisance of the Lieutenant of Police,' and had ordered 
him to tell Le Camus not to meddle with it any more. From 
that date we hear no more of the Lieutenant Civil in con- 
nection with the Huguenot prisoners. 

The decision to place the whole matter under De la Beynie's 
care was a natural and a wise one, for the most pressing 
danger to which the Huguenots of Paris were exposed was 
from the violence of the mob, and the control of the mob was 
naturally in the hands of the Lieutenant of Police. More 
than once Protestants had to thank the opportune arrival of 
De la Beynie's agents for the safety of their homes and their 
persons. And it was certainly owing mainly to De la Beynie's 
influence that Paris was spared the horrors of a dragonnade. 
He states in one of his papers 1 that at a conference held at 
the Procureur-General's, November 20, 16S5, for the discus- 
sion of the best means of expediting conversions, some of 
those present maintained that no progress would be made 
without calling in the troops. De la Beynie, however, suc- 
ceeded in persuading the conference that it would be sufficient 
to warn the Protestants, first, that their children would in any 
case be brought up as Catholics, and, secondly, that exemplary 
punishment would be inflicted on all who attempted to leave 
the kingdom. Thus, except in a few special cases, no troops 
were quartered in the house of any Parisian Huguenot. 

It is a blot on De la Beynie's reputation that he did not 
stand out a3 stoutly for mercy and moderation in the affair of 
1 P. Clement, La Police sous Louis XTY, p. 272. ' 



religion as he had done for justice in the 1 Affair of the 
Poisons.' But it would have been difficult, if not impossible, 
for him to withstand alone the wave of fanaticism which just 
then was carrying away both Court and people. That his 
influence was cast on the side of moderation and humanity is 
clearly proved in his correspondence. We find the friends of 
more than one distressed Huguenot expressly thanking him for 
his help. ■ You have entered into the interests of this family,' 
writes a friend of the Samsons, ' so kindly and with such 
charity, that I hope you will continue to extend your favours 
to them.' 

Mignard's portrait of De la Reynie, though perhaps 
idealised, cannot fail to prepossess one in his favour. The 
face is not that of a bigot, or a schemer, or a pedant, but 
wears an expression that is at once serious and yet frank, full 
of dignity yet not ungenial. The jaw bespeaks courage and 
resolution, but not sensuousness or cruelty; the eyes, penetra- 
tion and intelligence, without a hint of craft or littleness. 

Fortunately for him, De la Eeynie's reputation does not 
rest on the aid he gave to the Catholic persecutors, but on the 
zeal he showed for truth and justice in the perplexing affair 
of the sorcerers and poisoners, and on the many wise and far- 
seeing measures by which he secured the health, safety, and 
amenity of the city under his control, and which he left as a 
legacy to his successors. 

The Governor of the Bastille during the years in question 
was M. de Montlezun de Besmaus. Sprung from the same 
province as De la Beynie, ' un petit gentilhomme gascon,' he 
had formerly been captain in the Guards of Cardinal Mazarin, 
who, having proved his trustworthiness in several delicate 
missions, appointed him to the Bastille in 1658. He held the 
post for nearly forty years, and proved a good and honest 
administrator, of unimpeachable fidelity and of a mild and 
humane disposition. He had paid 40,000 francs for the 
appointment, and though, like other governors, he grew rich 
on its emoluments, no one, except perhaps Dumas, ever ques- 
tioned his probity. To judge from the Archives, he entered 
into the propagandist conspiracy with an enthusiasm which he 



carried even beyond the walls of his prison. * You could not 
do anything more agreeable to his Majesty,' Seignelay writes 
to him January 14, 1686, 'than by obliging those of the 
'religion pretendue reformee ' who are in the Bastille to 
become converted.' And De Besmaus certainly did his best to 
earn the Boyal approbation by keeping the minister punctually 
informed of the progress towards conversion of each individual 
prisoner, by cordially seconding the efforts of the visiting 
priests, and, no doubt, also by a little quiet missionary work 
on his own account. His interest in his prisoners did not 
end with their detention in the Bastille. He writes to De la 
Eeynie, ' Pray send me a permit to visit Mile, de Lespinai, 
who urgently desires it. M. de Lamont had begun to 
touch her, as well as Mesdemoiselles de la Fontaine. They 
are very sorry to have left me. It will do no harm — " ne 
gatera rien " — to let me see all three, and I will send you an 
account of it.' 1 

He describes the progress of the contest in individual cases 
with nothing short of unction. * II chancelle toujours et ne 
laisse de conferer avec M. de Lamont.' 2 Three or four visits 
from M. l'Abbe Lamont * ont fort bien opere.' 3 * I wish I 
could answer for all you have sent me as well as I can for 
these.' * Please don't forget the order for IT. Malno and his 
son. M. Gerbais achevera ; tout est pret pour cela.' 4 

The King himself writes to him January 8, 1686 : * As 
M. d'Ussaux has testified to you that he sincerely intends to 
become converted, and to make his abjuration before Pere de 
la Chaise, I write you this letter to say that I permit you to 
take him yourself for that purpose to P. de la Chaise.' 5 

The Governor of the Bastille, as .may be easily imagined, 
did not always find his post a bed of roses. There was often 
frictioD between him and the ' lieutenant du Boi,' who, though 
nominally his subordinate, was appointed directly by the 
King, and was intended to be more or less a check upon him. 
At a time when the Bastille was crowded with Huguenots, 
De Besmaus, in the course of an apologetic letter to Seignelay, 

1 Archives d& la Bastille, vol. viii. p. 391. 2 Ibid. p. 395. 

' Ibid. p. 390. 4 Ibid'357. * Ibid. p. 361. 



writes ' I protest that for the last three or four years I have 
been utterly worn out by not being able to help the various 
mischances which have occurred, although I have omitted no 
effort to prevent them.' This protest was called forth by the 
fact that, while he had been away taking the waters, a singu- 
larly obnoxious prisoner — 1 impenetrable and malignant,' he 
calls her — had effected her escape with the help of the 
gardener's daughter. She was Mme. Yion, the English wife 
of an innkeeper, who, in communication with the English 
Ambassador, had sold passports to many Refugees and helped 
them to leave the kingdom. Before going for his holiday 
De Besmaus had given orders, ' by the good advice of M. de 
la Eeynie, whom I punctually obey in everything that con- 
cerns the Bastille,' that 4 la Vion ' was to be transferred to a 
cell which was absolutely safe, but the lieutenant had dis- 
obeyed him, and so facilitated her escape. ' If I could guard 
the Bastille alone,' cries the distracted Governor, * I would 
demand neither pardon nor quarter. Let the lieutenant and 
his two officers justify themselves, if they can. As for me, I 
am so overwhelmed with sorrow at their negligence, that 
I know not how to console myself.' 1 

In the Archives we hear very little of the King's lieutenant 
and other officials of the Bastille, but a good deal of the police 
officers outside, whose duty it was to observe and to arrest the 
Huguenots. Three of these were chiefly employed — the Com- 
missary Delamarre, who seems to have been head of the 
detective department, and the two police - sergeants or 
1 exempts,' Desgrez and Auzillon, who effected the arrests. 
The detective system had reached considerable perfection 
under De la Eeynie, and his officers were adepts at drawing 
a * signal ' or description of a ' suspect.' Here is an example : 
Vaillant, a grocer and a zealous Protestant, had retired with 
his family to England in 1681, and had at once been appointed 
an elder of the church in the Savoy. His wife returned to 
Paris in June 1685, presumably in order to retrieve some 
property. She found a lodging in the house of a fellow- 
grocer, and having been informed against was put under 
1 Archives de la Battille, toI. viii. p. 43S. 



observation. In his report to De la Reynie, dated July 9, 1685, 
Delamarre describes her as <a woman of thirty-five, tall, 
with a good figure, fair hair, blue, prominent, well-shaped 
eyes, an aquiline nose, an average mouth, a face inclined to 
oval and very pale. As for her dress, she has only been 
seen in her room en deshabille. She wore a short robe de 
chambre of Indian fabric, of mixed colours — black, red, and 
white — fastened in front from top to bottom with black rib- 
bons and targe buckles, and provided with a lace peignoir. 
She certainly means to leave in a day or two.' 1 

She was arrested before she could carry out her intention 
and committed to the Bastille, where De la Eeynie interested 
himself in the furnishing of her room, and De Besmaus in 
facilitating her conversion. She professed herself a willing 
subject, and asked that M. Gerbais, a doctor of the Sorbonne, 
who had previously instructed her, might be sent for. As for 
her husband, she added, he might take his own line. But 
this facile conversion was not, just then, what the authorities 
wanted. In his report of October 4, 1685, De la Reynie 
admits that the King's object in ordering her arrest was to 
constrain the husband to repatriate himself, which he was to 
be assured that he might do in full security and without any 
reason for disquietude. The Lieutenant of Police even sug- 
gested to the King that his Ambassador in London, M. 
Barillon, should be asked to give such assurances to Vaillant, 
in the hope that his return might lead to that of others. The 
stratagem, conceived on the very eve of the Revocation, was 
unsuccessful, and Mme. Vaillant, after a detention of five 
months, abjured and was released. 

The two exempts, Desgrez and Auzillon, though they 
too were not unskilled in drawing up a ' signal,' were mainly 
employed in watching suspects, in making arrests, and in 
conducting their prisoners to the Bastille. In certain cases 
where the destination of the prisoner had not yet been decided 
upon, or where the order to receive him had not yet reached 
M. de Besmaus, he was detained for a time at the house of the 
exempt in a special chamber, commonly called the ' four.' 2 

1 Archives de la Bastille, voL viii. p. 345. 2 Ibid. vol. ix. p. 363. 


Desgrez writes to De la Reynie, May 1, 1686, 'I entreat you 
in God's name to relieve me of M. Julliot de la Penis siere. 
He has eaten nothing since yesterday morning, and I can do 
nothing with him. He keeps on saying that if his wife knew 
where he was, and that he was not dead, he would be happy ; 
all this with showers of tears.' 1 Five days later he reports 
that 4 his prisoner having urgently begged to see him during 
his absence, his (Desgrez's) wife had gone up to him and found 
him in a violent shivering fit, and had made up a large fire 
to warm him.' Again he reports, * I have never seen a man 
so inconsolable.' Mme. de la Penissiere and her daughter 
were meanwhile in hiding, waiting for an opportunity to 
escape, and the King had given orders that when found they 
were to be sent to a convent. The husband was removed to 
the Bastille on May 13, after a fortnight in the ' four,' 
having expressed his willingness to abjure and to give sureties 
that he would not leave the kingdom. By this time his tears 
for his wife appear to have changed into anger, as she still 
remained in hiding, and delayed his own release. Desgrez 
meanwhile is doing his best to hunt her to earth. He finds 
two f routes ' in the pocket of La Penissiere's valet, after a 
struggle in which one is torn ; he thinks she may be concealed 
near La Jonquiere, where she has a child at nurse, and will 
make for Switzerland to join her father. He suggests other 
precautions to his superior with a view to her arrest. 
Eventually the lady was found and sent with her daugh- 
ters to the Convent of the Nouvelles Catholiques, while 
we hear that the husband was released on August 29, 
the Comte de Pardaillan, the King's lieutenant in Poitou, 
having undertaken to keep in touch with him and prevent 
his leaving the kingdom. 

I have been tempted into these two digressions in the 
desire to show how the conspiracy was worked, with a sublime 
disregard for the sanctity of human ties, sowing dissension 
between husband and wife, and trafficking in the most sacred 
of affections in order to secure its ends. Is it too much to 
suggest that we may see herein the mind and hand of Mme. de 
1 Archives de la Bastille, vol. viii, p. 408. 



Main tenon, who, though she professed her desire that the 
authorities ' should not be inhuman towards the Huguenots, 
but should draw them on with that gentleness of which Jesus 
Christ has left the example,' yet in the treatment of her own 
young relations showed herself to be entirely devoid of all 
scruple ? On this point I would refer you to an historical study 
entitled Mme. de Maintenon, Convertisseuse, by M. H. Gelin, 
in the forty-ninth vol. of the Bulletin de la Societe de VHis- 
toire da Protestantisme Franqais. 

Our list of conspirators would be incomplete without some 
mention of the priests who visited the prisoners and entered 
into religious controversy with them. The one we hear most 
of during the early days of the persecution is the Abbe 
Lamont. The son of a Scotsman, Robert Lamont, who had 
settled in France during the reign of Henry IV, he had been 
befriended by the notorious Cardinal de Eetz, whom he 
accompanied on his last visit to Eome. He had subsequently 
attracted attention by his zealous and successful efforts to con- 
vert Protestants in Poitou ; but in 1682 had got into trouble 
with the authorities for surreptitiously publishing a volume of 
sermons on the hierarchy of the Church after their authorisa- 
tion had been refused. Undaunted by this incident, he 
secretly published another sermon, in which he unduly exalted 
the authority of the Pope, and as this line of argument was 
not very agreeable to the King he was committed to the 
Bastille August 25, 1685. 1 He was treated without much 
severity, and after a few months of imprisonment was per- 
mitted (December 17, 1685) to exercise his undoubted talent 
for conversion on his Huguenot fellow-prisoners. From that 
date until his release in the following July his* zeal and 
success in securing abjurations are often lauded by De Besmaus 
in his reports to the Lieutenant of Police. On May 14, 1686. 
the Governor writes : ' Mme. Mallet much enjoys arguing 
with M. de Lamont, as also do M. de Breuil, Mme. de Yillarnou, 
and Mme. de Bournan. M. de Lamont is also exerting great 
pressure on M, de Besse and his wife, and is very hopeful 

1 Archives de la Bastille, vol. viii. p. 37C. 


about them. I assist to the best of ray power, and -will let 
you hear the result.' 1 

During the same period the Abbe Gerbais, a doctor of the 
Sor bonne, frequently visited the Bastille, and reported directly 
to De la Eeynie his success or otherwise with 1 nos huguenots 
et huguenotes.' 2 And le Pere Bordes, of the Seminary of 
Saint Magloire, was admitted from time to time on a special 
order to interview certain prisoners, and he too reported 
directly to the Lieutenant of Police. 3 

On rare occasions a still greater controversialist — the 
learned and eloquent Bossuet, the eagle of Meaux — was induced 
to visit some especially recalcitrant prisoner. 4 

When the efforts of the visiting priests had been successful 
the prisoner was taken to make his formal abjuration in the 
presence, or ' entre les mains,' of the cure of some neighbour- 
ing church, or, in other cases, the cure came to the Bastille for 
the ceremony. Much of the correspondence in the Archives 
deals with the arrangements required for these ceremonies, 
and it is evident that there was much rejoicing among the 
conspirators over every sinner that repented. 

And now as to the prisoners themselves. The documents 
show that it was not until after the Revocation that the 
Bastille was really set in motion as an agent of conversion. 
A few Protestants had been committed there before that date, 
but for other causes than the mere fact of their religion. 
Thus, in May 1680, Andre Lombard, a Huguenot minister of 
somewhat migratory habits, was incarcerated for some months, 
probably because during a five years' ministry in England he 
had entered into suspicious communications with the wife of 
Lord Arlington, of Cabal fame. 5 In July 1682 Mme. de Langle, 
the wife of a minister, was arrested for having incited a fellow- 
Huguenot, whose husband had abjured, to follow her to 
England with her four children. 6 * Everyone has been thrown 
into consternation by this imprisonment ' writes the English 
agent. In December 1684 four ministers of La Eochelle 

1 Archives de la Bastille, vol. viii. p. 409. 2 Ibid. vol. viii. p. 407. 

1 Ibid. vol. viii. p. 448. 4 Ibid. vol. viii. pp. 440, 458. 

* Ibid. vol. viii. p. 208. • Ibid. vol. viii. p. 233. 



were transferred from the Conciergerie to the Bastille. They 
had been condemned by the provincial court for having ad- 
mitted to their services a little girl who had abjured. On 
appeal their case was referred to the Parliament of Paris, 
which inflicted little more than a nominal penalty, and was 
consequently in the future not much troubled by the Govern- 
ment with cases of the sort. 1 

The above fairly represents the class of' prisoners com- 
mitted to the Bastille prior to the Revocation. But after that 
event it was not necessary to have broken an edict in order to 
qualify for a lettre de cachet. It was enough that one was a 
Protestant and refused to abjure. The arrests begin to show 
a notable increase in November 1685, the month succeeding 
the Revocation, when they numbered eight. In December 
they rose to eleven. In January 1686 th'fire were ten arrests, 
in February twenty, in March ten, in April eight, after which 
they slowly declined. During 1687-8 there is no mention 
of arrests, and it is possible that the records have been lost, 
for they begin again early in 1689. 

During the period when the Bastille was especially used 
as a means of conversion — that is to say, from November 
1685 to the end of 1686 — about ninety Huguenots were com- 
mitted to it, of whom twenty-three, or about one, quarter of 
the whole, mostly inconvertibles, still remained there on the 
latter date. The largest number imprisoned at any one time 
was about forty, and it remained at about that figure from 
March to July 1686, after which it slowly declined. By 
November the authorities, whether satisfied with their success 
or weary of their efforts, began to find it inconvenient, as 
well as expensive, to retain so many prisoners at the Bastille, 
and on the 6th of that month we hear that the King had 
given orders to the governors of two or three chateaux in 
the provinces to prepare to receive certain religionnaires 
opinidtres qui embarr assent a Paris. But no great clearance 
was effected at the Bastille until the following August and 
September, when some sixteen of the most recalcitrant 
prisoners were removed to Loches and other provincial castles, 

1 Archives de la Bastille, vol. viii. p. 310. 



where they could be kept more cheaply and perhaps more 
safely than in Paris. 

The prisoners fall naturally into two classes : (1) Protestant 
inhabitants of Paris and its environs, mostly of the bour- 
geoisie, and (2) nobles and gentlemen from the provinces, 
whom for some reason or other it was thought expedient to 
treat by gentler and more persuasive methods than they were 
likely to receive at the hands of the provincial intendants. 
Of the former we hear little, except the facts of their arrest 
and discharge, in most cases probably after abjuration. 

In conclusion, I think I cannot better enable you to realise 
the method of dealing with recalcitrant Huguenots by means 
of the Bastille than by quoting an illustrative case, and for 
this purpose I have chosen that of Samson de Cahanel, 
partly because we have more circumstantial information 
about the incidents of his persecution than about any other 
prisoner, and partly because more than one of his descendants 
have the privilege of belonging to this Society. 

The first document is a long petition to the King undated, 
but probably presented through De la Eeynie in September 
1686. It runs as follows : 

' M. de Cahanel, a native of Saint-L6, in Lower Normandy, 
was arrested in October last (the month of the Pievocation) 
at the house of one of his friends, within three miles of the 
sea, on suspicion that he intended to leave the kingdom. 

1 It is admitted that he had some business to settle with 
the cure in reference to a law- suit in which they were joint 
plaintiffs ; and, as a matter of fact, when arrested there was 
found on him a receipted account and only twelve silver 
crowns. It must be admitted, however, that if he had found 
an opportunity to escape subsequently he would not have 
failed to embrace it. 

* All his property was immediately seized by the judges 
of Saint-L6. 

* It has not been found possible to persuade him to change 
his opinion, in spite of every endeavour to induce him to put 
himself under instruction, and he is perhaps one of the most 
obstinate Huguenots in the kingdom ; but there is no doubt 



that in other respects he is a perfectly honourable man, the 
head of a large family, which he has always governed according 
to his will. 

c As he is a man of intelligence, it is thought that he only 
clings to his religion because there are few people in the 
provinces who are able to guide (menage r) and instruct such 
prisoners as have grown old in a religion which they believe 
to be a good one, and because, moreover, he has been treated 
hitherto with great severity. 

* Indeed, after suffering from serious ailments in the prison 
at Coutances he was condemned by the judges of the bailiwick 
of that town to imprisonment for life and a fine of 100 livres. 
In another judgment by the Admiralty he was also condemned 
to imprisonment for life, to a fine of 230 livres, and the 
confiscation of all his property. 

* Mme. de Cahanel, his wife, and two of his daughters made 
their reunion after having endured a garrison of forty men 
for a space of six weeks, and another of ninety-nine cuirassiers, 
who made extraordinary havoc of everything they found in 
the house and on the fields. 

' After her reunion Mme. de Cahanel asked to be restored 
to the possession of one of her farms for her maintenance. 
This was granted, whereupon she had it sown, and laid out 
large sums in bringing it into cultivation. But the very 
judges who had granted it to her immediately withdrew it, 
and have left her without any resources and unable during a 
whole year to obtain a supply of more than 100 crowns, and 
that at a cost of 200 livres, though there were in her house 
rents amounting to 4,000 livres, so that she was compelled to 
part with her silver plate and all her furniture in order to 
feed her family, and finally to quarter them out among her 
various relations. 

* M. de Cahanel is now at Rouen on appeal. If he were 
transferred to the Bastille his family, which contains good 
Catholics long settled in this neighbourhood, would hope that 
by letting him see enlightened and learned persons, and by 
treating him more kindly than he has been treated hitherto, 
they might induce him to change his opinion. 


* The wife of M. de Cahanel, four daughters and one son, 
venture to beg this favour of his Majesty, and entreat him 
that he will have the goodness to restore to them the enjoy- 
ment of M. de Cahanel's estates in order to help to recoup 
them for the losses they have suffered. 

' One fact which shows that M. de Cahanel had no intention 
of " retiring " is, that on the eve of his departure he had paid 
800 francs to the Hotel-Dieti of Saint-L6.' 

On September 22, 1636, De Seignelay writes to De la 
Eeynie : 

'I send you the order to transfer M. de Cahanel to the 
Bastille, as you have proposed, and I will forward an order 
for 200 crowns as a gratuity to his wife, which shall be 
placed in your hands in order that you may convey it to her.' 

On the same date De Seignelay sends the following letter 
to the intendant at Eouen : 

* His Majesty wishing for certain considerations to transfer 
to the Bastille De Cahanel of Saint-L6, who is in prison at 
Bouen accused of having intended to leave the kingdom, I 
send you the necessary orders, and you will have them 
carried out, if you please, with as little expense as possible.' 

The next document, dated Thursday, December 12, 1686, 
is a letter from M. de Yarennes to De la Beynie, which seems 
to show that the ordinary visiting priests had not had much 
success in breaking down De Cahanel's resistance, as it was 
found advisable to call in the great Bossuet : 

'Monseigneur de Meaux,' writes M. de Yarennes, 'leads 
me to hope that he will give himself the trouble to see M. de 
Cahanel to-morrow morning. I beg you very humbly to have 
the goodness to give the necessary orders so that he may be 
able to see the prisoner in the Governor's apartments. I also 
take the liberty of sending you the enclosed petition for Mile, 
de Cahanel (i.e., as I infer, the prisoner's sister). As she is 
burdened with a large family and is not in possession of any 
of its property, it is to her a matter of urgency that his 
Majesty should have the goodness to accord the favour that 
she asks. You have entered into the interests of this family 



in so obliging a manner and with so much charity that I 
hope you will be willing to continue your favours.' 

Seven months appear to have elapsed before Mme. de 
Cahanel's petition was granted, for on July 7, 1687, Seignelay 
writes to De la Reynie : 

* As Cahanel persists in his religion his Majesty has 
resolved to restore to his children the enjoyment of his 
property. Please let me know if he has any.' 

Finally, on August 4, in a general clearance of prisoners 
which seems to have taken place on that date, M. de Cahanel 
was transferred to the Castle of Loches in Anjou, where he 
remained until he was eventually banished the kingdom as an 
incurable heretic. 

On the very day of his removal Seignelay writes as 
follows to a provincial subordinate : 

'The King being informed that the family of M. de 
Cahanel, who is detained in the Bastille by reason of his 
obstinate adherence to the 'religion pretendue reformee,' 
faithfully observes its duty as Catholics, and has left nothing 
undone in order to induce M. de Cahanel to become con- 
verted, his Majesty commands me to communicate to you 
his intention, which is that you should arrange to place 
de Cahanel's sister and the widow of M. Fumichon in posses- 
sion of his property, and even that you should protect them 
on every occasion which presents itself.' 

I have carefully abstained from reading between the lines 
of these documents, but one cannot help harbouring some 
suspicion as to the purity of the motives and conduct of 
Samson de Cahanel's Catholic relations. At any rate, the result 
was that they were left in the possession of the estates, while 
he himself and three at least of his daughters escaped to Eng- 
land. We hear no more of the son, though he figures with 
his father on Benoit's list of ' persecutes,' but three of the 
daughters married fellow-refugees in this country and left 
posterity. A M. de Cahanel, though whether the father or 
the son it is impossible to decide, was present at the marriage 
of one of them, Judith, to M. du Desert-Dieu, one of the 



founders of the French Hospital, as shown by the following 
extract from the Register of Le Quarre. 

* October 26, 1700. — Pierre Jacques du Desert-Dieu et 
Judith Samson, demeurant a St. Anne. 

* Presents : M. de Caanel (sic) et M. de la Fontaine, parans 

4 Signed : Pierre Samson de Cahanel, du Desert-Dieu, 
Judith Samson.' 

I have appended to this paper a list of Huguenots com- 
mitted to the Bastille up to the end of 1686 with the dates 
of their arrest and discharge, and brief notes of such other 
information as may be gathered from the Archives. I have 
not had the leisure nor is there space in this paper to 
supplement or to revise this information from other sources. 
My aim has been simply to give the gist of the records, and 
to leave them to speak for themselves. 

Note.— The only descendants of Pierre Samson de Cahanel 
I have been able to trace are his three daughters Elianor, 
Anne and Judith, and their children. Elianor married Peter 
Luard, and had a son Peter Abraham, born in 1703, died in 
1768. Anne married Francis Marietta of Spitalfields, and 
had two daughters. Judith married Pierre Jacques du 
Desert-Dieu ; their daughter, Marianne, married the Eev. 
Elias Lafargue, and they had a son, the Eev. Peter Lafargue, 
born in 1738, died in 1804. 

VOL. VIII. — NO. I. 




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€t>e If uguenot C&urcfjtjg of SDublin anb tljeic 



My objects in preparing this paper were, first, to place on 
record in a permanent form the information with regard 
to the French Churches of Dublin, collected by the late Dr. 
La Touche ; and, secondly, to set before the Huguenot Society 
a more consecutive account of these Churches and their 
Ministers than is at present available. 

Dr. La Touche's papers comprised, in addition to his own 
memoranda, a good deal of information communicated to him 
by the late Dr. Eichard Caulfield, of Cork, and a valuable 
series of notes on the French Clergy of Dublin, compiled by 
the Reverend Wm. Eeynell, B.D., to which I am indebted for 
many of the personal details given in this paper. 

The records of both the Conformed and Nonconformist 
Churches, with the exceptions which I shall mention, are now 
happily deposited in the Public Record Office of Ireland, and 
comprise, in addition to the Registers of Births, Deaths, and 
Marriages already published by the Society, the Discipline 
adopted by the French Church of St. Patrick in 1694 and the 
Acts of its Consistory from 1692 to 1716, together with the 
Acts of the Consistory of the French Church of St. ]\Iary from 
1705 to 1716, and accounts of receipts and expenditure from 
1714 to 1716 and from 1767 to 1840. 

The Act Book of the Consistory from 1716 is still in use 
by the representatives of the Church, namely the trustees of 
the so-called 'French Huguenot Fund,' now administered 



under a scheme settled and approved by the Court of 

For the Nonconformist Churches the Public Eecord Office 
only possesses, in addition to the Register, a Cash Book 
covering the early years of the Church from 1692 to 1697, a 
Charitable Minute Book, 1712-1718, and the Acts of Con- 
sistory from 1759 to 18S9. The meagreness of these records 
is partly explained by the memorandum of Isaac Subremont 
(which I have already quoted in my introduction to the 
Ragisters of these Churches) stating that : ' In the night of 
the 16th and 17th February, 1771, some rogues broke open 
the vestry-room of the French Church in Peter Street, in the 
City of Dublin, with an intent, as it is supposed, to steal the 
Communion Plate, which they imagined was kept there, but 
being disappointed, they vented their rage upon some of the 
Church Books which were there and burned the same.' 
There must, however, have been further losses prior to the 
deposit of these records in the Public Record Office in 1895, 
for Dr. Caulfield had access to some other books relating to 
the Churches in the hands of Mr. Maziere, a member of the 
Consistory — the most important being, an Account Book for 
the years 1718-1737. 

Where the records of the Churches fail, some information 
can be gathered from the books of the Societe charitable des 
Francois Protestants JRefugies a Dublin. The property of 
this Society having ultimately merged in the Poor Fund 
belonging to representatives of the Conformed Churches, its 
records came into the hands of the trustaes of the ' French 
Huguenot Fund/ who have deposited the minute books of the 
Society from 1722 to 1779 in the Public Record Office, re- 
taining its accounts from 1780. 

These are the original sources for the history of the 
Dublin Churches. That history does not begin till more than 
a century after the opening of the first Huguenot Church in 
London. The state of Ireland in the sixteenth century was 
not favourable to a settlement of foreigners, while in the first 
half of the seventeenth century the Protestants of France 
had not abandoned the hope of a peaceable enjoyment. of the 



privileges accorded to them by the Edict of Nantes. It was 
not, therefore, till the middle of the seventeenth century that 
the circumstances of the two countries combined to favour a 
Huguenot settlement in Ireland. In 1651 a petition 1 was 
presented to the Dublin Corporation showing that by * the 
tenn yeares time of warr now last past, as alsoe by the heavie 
plague whereby this citye is exceedingly depopulated, the 
number of tradesmen Manufacturers are growen verie few and 
of some callings there are scarce anie left,' and praying for 
* some incouradgment to be extended ... for the procuring 
of artificers to come over to dwell and settle in this citie.' 

It was only intended at the time to offer this encourage- 
ment to English workmen, but the policy which was to 
culminate in the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was already 
beginning to press hard on the Huguenots. In March 1656, 
and again in November 1657, the Protector issued special 
instructions to his son Henry Cromwell, as Lord Deputy, and 
to the Council of Ireland, 1 That for the encouragement of 
foreign nations to come into Ireland to purchase or to take to 
farme houses and lands there, Letters Patent of Denization 
be granted under the Great Seale of Ireland to all persons 
of what nation soever professing the Protestant religion who 
are now dwelling, or hereafter come into Ireland to inhabit 
and dwell as aforesaid, and shall desire the same.' 3 During 
the Commonwealth a few families of French manufacturers 
and traders settled in Dublin, but I have found no record of 
an organised congregation or a permanent place of worship. 

The death of Cromwell removed a salutary check on the 
increasing severity of the rule of Louis Quatorze, 3 while the 
political necessities of the Irish Government after the Restora- 
tion disposed them to favour a Huguenot immigration. An 
Act 4 passed in 1662 4 for encouraging Protestant strangers 
and others to inhabit and plant in the kingdom of Ireland,' 

1 Gilbert, Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. iv. p. 3. 

2 Commonwealth Commissions and Instructions, p. 41, in Public Record 
Office of Ireland. 

* History of the Edict of Nantes, vol. iii. p. 277. 
4 14 and 15 Car. II, cap. 13. 



after reciting that ' the late intestine troubles and cruel war 
have much despoiled and wasted the kingdom of Ireland,' 
and have created ' a want as well of merchants, traders and 
dealers ... as of skilled artificers, artisans, and workmen,' 
went on to provide that alien Protestants, merchants, traders, 
artizans, &c, who within seven years should transport their 
stocks and families to reside in Ireland, and take the oaths 
of allegiance and supremacy, should be adjudged to all intents 
free and natural subjects. 

Advantage was at once taken of the Act, but a cry had 
arisen among the dominant party in Ireland in favour of 
Episcopacy and the Liturgy. Carte tells us that the Peers 
' and those Commons in whom the far greater interest and 
• concernment of the nation resided ' were ' such as delighted in 
nothing more than that ancient form of Church Government.' 
A petition 1 to the same effect was presented by the Corpora- 
tion to Charles II., and a declaration was also issued by the 
Irish Parliament 2 in 1661 requiring all magistrates to proceed 
with all just severity against the contemners of the Govern- 
ment of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops and the 
Book of Common Prayer. The Duke of Ormonde, in a letter 
to the Speaker of the House of Commons dated March 6, 1662, 
refers to a petition recently presented to him by the House 
containing 'inconsequent references, viz. that . . . the 
Established Pieligion is in danger,' and comments on ' the 
discouragement it must give to Protestant strangers to plant 
amongst us, whereunto they are invited by the advantages 
proposed to them in an Act passed by this Parliament.' 

This state of public feeling had to be regarded in dealing 
with the small but increasing body of Huguenots, but in order 
fully to understand the course adopted with regard to them, 
it is necessary to refer briefly to what had been taking place 
in England. An appeal from, the Churches of London and 
"Westminster gave the King an opportunity of attempting by 
the aid of two Huguenot Ministers to reconcile the apparently 
divergent policies of upholding the Establishment and of 

1 Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. iv. p. 186. 
* Royal Irish Academy Tracts. 


befriending the Huguenots. The Royal Declaration 1 of 
March 10, 1661, promised to the Westminster Church a place 
of worship and a salary for their Minister, provided that they 
should submit to the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London and 
use the Book of Common Prayer in French. 2 There was 
some hesitation in accepting this offer, but the Consistory of 
Geneva on being consulted expressed the opinion that the 
Book of Common Prayer was in nowise opposed to the form 
of service in use in France and at Geneva, and similar advice 
was received from other quarters. 

Mainly through the exertions of the two Ministers, Jean 
Durel and Jacques Hierome, the King's offer was accepted, 
and on July 14, 1661, the new form of worship was inau- 
gurated in the Chapel of the Savoy before a large and fashion- 
able congregation, which included the Duke and Duchess of 

The French Church of St. Patrick 1665-1692. 

What had been done in London could obviously also be 
effected in Dublin, where the Huguenot Colony was in its 
infancy, and ac2ordingly on his return to Ireland to resume 
his duties as Viceroy in 1665 the Duke of Ormonde took care 
to secure the services of Jacques Hierome for the purpose of 
settling the French Church of Dublin on the same basis as 
that of the Savoy, an arrangement Which, to the political 
point of view, presented itself as a most desirable compromise. 

Jacques Hierome, to whom the management of this scheme 
was entrusted, was a native of Sedan, and had been Minister 
of Fecamp ; in 1661 he was one of the signatories of the 
memorial addressed to the King by the French Church of 
Westminster, otherwise styled 1 The ffrench Church, 3 lately 
meeting in Somerset House Chappell,' and on the establish- 
ment by his aid of the Conformed Church in the Savoy 
became one of its Ministers. He was well provided for in 
Ireland, being presented by the Crown on March 1, 1666, to 

1 Le Baron de Schickler, Les Eglises dc Be/ago en Anglctcrre,\ol ■ ii.p. 218 seq. 

a Burn, Foreign Befugecs, p. 109. 

* Les Eglises du Refuge, vol. iii. p. 278, 



the Precentorship of the Cathedral of Waterford, and on 
July 5 to the Treasurership of the Cathedral of Lismore. In 
March 1667 his certificate by the Lord Chancellor as a 
denizen was enrolled ; on August 26 following he was collated 
and instituted Vicar of Chapelizod. In the same year there 
was granted to him and his successors incumbents of 
Chapelizod 1 an annuity of 30?. a year, and in 1668 a lease 
for ninety-nine years of a house in Chapelizod and certain 
grazing rights in the Phoenix Park. He was collated to the 
Donoghmore Prebend of St. Patrick's Cathedral in 1671, and 
was presented by the Crown to the Vicarages of Mullingar 
and Eathconnell, and the Rectories of Churchtown and Pierce- 
town in the Diocese of Meath in 1675, and in 1679 to the 
Eectories of Clonegan and Newtown Lennan in the Diocese of 
Lismore. He would appear to have died at Carrick-on-Suir 
in 1682, administration being granted in the Prerogative 
Court to Martha, his widow, on September 16 in that year. 
He was married , three times, first to Henrietta, a French- 
woman, who died in 1670 ; secondly, in 1672, to Elizabeth, 
widow of Thomas Golborne and daughter of James 
Spottiswoode, Bishop of Clogheiv In St. Laurence's Church, 
Chapelizod, there is a mural tablet with the following in- 
scription : 


hierom's VER s . AND 

DEC 1 '. 29, 1670 YE 2ND. 
IN IREL. OCT. 23, 1675, 

He was married, thirdly, to Martha le Eoy, who survived 
him. He had at least three daughters: Eachel married 
February 5, 1693, to Etienne la Baissade de Massas and, 
1 King's letter, July 14, 16G8. # : 2 Consistorial M. L. 



secondly, August 18, 1696, to Albert Prevost ;' Prudence 
married May 4, 1698, to Etienne la Pierre ; and Esther, 
daughter of Martha le Roy, married to Antoine Chabrier on 
March 4, 1701. 

The maintenance of the Minister of the new Church was 
thus amply provided for by means of Crown livings, in addi- 
tion to the annual salary of 501. granted to the Church on its 
establishment. This plan did not prove wholly satisfactory, 
and when in 1694 the Consistory, with the approval of the 
Archbishop, drew up a special form of discipline for the 
future Government of the Church, a clause was inserted to 
provide that Ministers holding benefices should be obliged to 
discharge the duties of their ministry in the French Church 
in person and with exactitude. 

The Government which thus provided the Huguenot Colony 
with a Minister did not omit to find them a place of worship. 
The Duke of Ormonde returned to Dublin on October 17, 1665, 
and on November 30 addressed the following letter to the 
Archbishop of Dublin : 

By the Lord Lieutenant Generall and General Governor 
of Ireland,- 


We haveing taken into our consideration that there are 
many Protestant strangers of France and other forreigne nations 
who understand the . French language now residing in this Citie 
of Dublin and Kingdome of Ireland, and for that it is hoped the 
number of them will receive great increase from the incouragement 
that is given to strangers by a late Act of Parliament tending to 
the. propagation of the Protestant religion and the Settlement of 
Manufactures in this Kingdom. It being alsoe by us seriously 
considered that most of the said strangers are not capable of 
joineing themselves in communion with us in the liturgie and 
administrations of the Church of Ireland as they are performed 
and celebrated in the English tongue, but would cheerfully and 
with much advantage to the good of their soules frequent those 
ordinances in a language better knowne unto them. To this ende 
therefore we pray your Grace to consider of a fitting consecrated 
place to be appointed for the use of such French and others 
desirous to joine with them in the communion of a Protestant 
Church in their tongue, to be governed wholly according to the 



discipline and rites of the Church of Ireland and the Canons of 
the same strictly and indispensably, and in as much as We are well 
satisfied of the judgment learneing and conversation of James 
Hierome, Doctor (late one of the Ministers of the French Church 
Eoyall in London and now one. of our domestic Chaplines), whom 
we have brought over with intent to settle all such strangers as 
are now resident, and such as shall arrive upon the incouragement 
of the said Act of Parliament in severall congregations conformable 
to the rites and discipline of the Protestant Church of this 
Kingdome. We therefore recommend him to your Grace to be 
now settled in such place as aforesaid within the Citie or suburbs 
of the Citie of Dublin and to be employed by your Grace to take 
charge of the congregacion that shall resort thither, and we desire 
that your Grace will afford him and the said congregation all lawful 
incouragement and allow of such fitting officers as shall be chosen 
for preserving of orderly discipline among themselves according to 
the canons of the Church of Ireland subject to the immediate juris- 
diction of the now Lord Archbishop of Dublin and his successors. 

Given at His Majesties Castle of Dublin the thirtieth 
of November anno domini one thousand six hundred 
and sixty-five. 

To the Most Reverend Father 
in God Michael, Lord Arch- 
bishop of Dublin, Primate and 
Metropolitan of Ireland. 

The Archbishop thought St. Mary's Chapel of St. Patrick's 
Cathedral (then used as the Convocation House of the Bishops) 
the fittest place for the intended service, and recommended 
to the Dean and Chapter that they should set it apart for 
this use. 

James Hierome and Elias de Kuinat, Clerks, Dr. Dudley 
Loftus, Sir Peter Harvey, Knt, Edward Denham, M.D., John 
Herault and James Fontaine, on behalf of the French and 
other nations intending to join in the French Liturgy of the 
Church of Ireland, represented the matter to the Dean and 
Chapter, and prayed them to comply with the above recom- 
mendations on certain conditions, which I take, with only a 
slight alteration, from Dr. La Touche's summary : 

First, that the Chapel of St. Mary be preserved entire, 
and that the privilege of burying therein be reserved to the, 



Dean and Chapter, save that the Ministers and other Church 
officers may be buried in it gratis. 

Second, that the repairs of the Chapel be met entirely by 
the congregation. 

Third, that after being fitted and accommodated by and 
for the said congregation the Chapel may still be used for the 
meetings of the Bishops, or other public solemnities (without 
interrupting Divine Service), at the order of the Dean and 

Fourth, that the French Services shall not interfere with 
those in the choir of the Cathedral ; and 

Fifth, that the French congregation be bound by the dis- 
cipline and canons of the Church of Ireland under the 
jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Dublin. 

The Dean and Chapter agreed to these conditions, and 
granted the Chapel to the congregation for twenty-one years 
at a rent of one shilling, the grant being renewed from time 
to time until the discontinuance of the French Services in 

The original grant was dated December 23, 1665. Thomas 
Margetson, M.D., the member for Armagh, and Edward 
Denham, M.D., were apparently at once appointed Church- 
wardens for the purpose of preparing the Chapel for the use 
of the French congregration. The matter was taken "up by 
the House of Commons, 1 who opened a subscription list, esti- 
mating that 11. from each member, or about 272Z. in all, would 
be sufficient for the purpose, but the whole of the Cathedral 
buildings were at this time in a very bad state, and the 
estimate had to be considerably exceeded before the Church 
was ready. 

The work was carried out with such expedition that the 
formal opening of the Church took place on April 29, 1666, 
and is thus described in the London Gazette of May 21 : 

'The Archbishop of Dublin with the Dean and Chapter of 
St. Patrick's having granted to the French Protestants of this 
City St. Marie's Chapel for their Church Assembly, a place 

1 Commons Journal, 166o, pp. 697-700. For the number of members in this 
Parliament, see House of Commons Paper, 69 I. 1S78. 




depending on this Cathedral, His Grace the Duke of Ormonde, 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who had by his bounty contributed 
very largely to its reparation, was pleased to countenance their 
first assembly by his presence, whither he came on Sunday, 
April 29, his guard and gentlemen preceding him, with the Maces 
and Swords carried before him, accompanied by the Lord Primate 
of Ireland, the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, Lord High Chancellor 
of Ireland, the Counsel of State and several great Lords ana other 
persons of quality of both persuasions, followed by the Lord 
Mayor, with the Sheriffs and Officers of the City, who had the 
Sword and Mace likewise carried before him. There was also 
present at the solemnity her Grace the Duchess of Ormonde, 
accompanied by the Countess of Arran, and followed by a great 
train of ladies of quality. All of them having taken the places 
designed for them, Monsieur Hierome, His Grace's Chaplain, 
and now Minister of this new Church, read the service of the 
Church in French, which was heard with much devotion, after 
which, being conducted by the verger to the pulpit, he made them 
an excellent sermon upon the occasion, which ended, the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin giving the Benediction, likewise in French, 
dismissed the assembly, His Grace the Lord Lieutenant and his 
lady being reconducted to the Castle with the same ceremony as 
they came.' 

In the poor and struggling condition of the Dublin Hugue- 
nots the acceptance of "the Government terms was probably 
a necessity of their existence as an organised religious body ; 
but these terms .appear to have been accepted without any 
great reluctance, and without exciting hostility or contempt 
on the part of those who, in more favourable times, were able 
to maintain their native form of worship. It can hardly be 
argued that those who had set at defiance the penalties of 
heresy shrank from the disabilities of nonconformity. The 
question, therefore, of the extent of the changes which they 
were compelled or induced to adopt deserves some con- 
sideration. The Duke of Ormonde's words would seem to 
imply that the congregation was to be completely Anglicised, 
but in practice this was not so. The conditions insisted on 
by the Government were briefly : the use of the Book of 
Common Prayer, the acceptance of Anglican Orders, and sub- 
mission to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop. 



Without trespassing on theological ground, it may be 
pointed out that the reply of the Genevan divines to the 
Westminster Church removed any objections in principle to 
the use of the Prayer Book. The translation adopted was 
that of Jean Dure!, which was first published in the year 
preceding the opening of the Dublin Church, and one at least 
of its many subsequent editions was published in Dublin. 
The Psalm singing, which was a very important feature in 
Huguenot worship, remained unchanged, the version of Marot 
and De Bezc, and later that of Conrart, being used. • 

Submission to re-ordination at the hands of the Anglican 
Bishops was a grave difficulty to many of the Refugee 
Ministers, and formed the subject of a lengthy controversy, 
fully described by the Baron de Schieklei, 1 in which such 
eminent men as Bishop Stillingfieet and the celebrated Jean 
Claude took part. In the end this requirement also was 
accepted by a great number of Ministers, and such acceptance 
was held to be compatible with service in congregations which 
adhered to the forms of the French Beformed Church. This 
was expressly stated by M. Louis Campredon to the Consis- 
tory of the Peter Street Church in 1767, and M. Degaliniere 
in his will defines his position in the following words : Je 
meurs dans la communion de VEglise Anglicane et dans celle 
des Eglises Beformees de France. The Archbishop's juris- 
diction gave the Huguenots a much needed protector, as well 
as a director, and appears in the case of the Dublin Churches 
to have been exercised with forbearance and accepted with 

Conformity in these points did not, however, involve the 
entire abandonment b\ the Huguenots of their popular form 
of Church government. The rights and powers of the 
Ministers and elders of the Dublin Church were not at first 
formally laid down. It was, no doubt, inadvisable in those 
troubled times to raise unnecessary questions. Even their 
collections were not made openly, but by means of boxes 
distributed in the houses of the principal members of tho 
congregation. After the Bevolution the establishment, under 

1 Les Eglises du Refuge, vol. ii. pp. 323, 324. 
VOL. VIII. — NO. I. 




the altered state of the law, of a congregation maintaining 
in its entirety the ancient Huguenot form of worship and 
discipline compelled the Conformed Church to define its posi- 
tion, and probably also induced the Bishops to moderate their 

A Form of Discipline, based on that of the Church of the 
Savoy, was accordingly drawn up in 1694 and approved by 
Archbishop Marsh, copies of which are preserved in the Irish 
Public Eecord Office and in Archbishop Marsh's Library in 
Dublin. Under this Discipline the Ministers and the elders, 
sometimes referred to by the ecclesiastical authorities as 
4 Churchwardens,' retained their consistorial powers, extending 
even to the grant or refusal of tokens or mareaux to would- 
be Communicants — a power which was actually exercised in 
1716 in the case of certain persons suspended by the Peter 
Street Church, who sought to join the French congregation of 
St. Patrick's. The moral censorship of the Consistory was 
also preserved with a recommendation to discretion ; but 
while the Consistory had the right to refuse admission to 
outsiders, or to suspend members of their own congregation, 
the power of excommunication was reserved to the Arch- 

The references in the Acts of the- Consistory before 1694 
to the Discipline mu3t be held to refer to the Discipline des 
Eglises Beformees de France, which, under the new dis- 
cipline, was still to be referred to in matters of importance not 
otherwise provided for. The funds of the congregation were 
also administered in accordance with the practice of the 
French Pieformed Churches, and were divided into a Poor 
Fund and a Sustentation Fund. 

Like the Church of the Savoy, 1 the new Dublin Church 
retained the power of choosing its Ministers subject to the 
approval of the Crown and the Diocesan, and in 1704 the 
Consistory strongly resented what it deemed to be an attempt 
on the part of the Archbishop to infringe its liberties in this 
matter, and appointed a deputation to wait on his Grace, 
who, however, disclaimed any intention of interfering with 

1 Les Eglises du Refuge, vol. iii. p. 297. 



their rights. The difficulty that the receipt of salaries from 
the Crown might render the Ministers more independent of 
the Consistory than was consistent with Huguenot views was 
obviated by an arrangement under which these salaries, 
which were insufficient for the entire maintenance of the 
ministry, were paid by the recipients into the common 
Sustentation Fund. 

Four entries in the Register of Baptisms are the only 
record of M. Hierome's Ministry — the latest is dated May 8, 
1672. The precise date at which he ceased to hold office is 
uncertain, but his successor, Moyse Yiridet, appears to have 
been paid from Michaelmas 1677. 

Moyse Yiridet was the son of Jacob Yiridet, an officer of 
the Duke of Orleans, and Marie Yereul of Normandy ; he had 
been Minister of Grosmesnil in Normandy, but retired to 
London, where he did temporary duty at Threadneedle Street, 
and subsequently went to Ireland, and in March 1684 received 
permission from Louis XIY 1 to continue to reside abroad and 
enjoy his property in France. He married in September 1676 
Lady Dorothy Coote, daughter of the first Earl of Mountrath, 
who died on the 8th February following, and was buried in 
the choir of Christ Church Cathedral. On March 28, 1683, 
he married in the French Church of St. Patrick Francoise 
Susanne de Mazieres, daughter of the late Benjamin de 
Mazieres, Sieur du Passage et de Youtron, and Helene le 
Franc, of the Pais d'Aunis. They had a son, Moses, born in 
King Street in 1684 and a daughter, Susanne Eleanor, who 
married in 1708 Anthony Bafugeau, a merchant in Dublin, 
son of Francois Bafugeau, a native of Fontenai in Poitou. 

Moyse Yiridet was appointed Prebendary of Kilmactalway 
on June 23, 1682, and resigned his prebend and his office in 
the French Church in 1685, when he was collated to Arklow. 
He died in 1688, Josue Bossel, his successor in the ministry, 
being one of his executors. 

During the first fifteen years of its existence it may be 
said that the French Church in Dublin was happy in having 
no history. The French colony continued to increase slowly, 

1 Les Eglises du Refuge, vol. ii. p. 268 ; vol. iii. p. 306. 

h 2 



and its growth was encouraged by the provisions of the New 
Rules issued in 1672 by the Lord Lieutenant and Privy 
Council in Ireland in pursuance of the Acts of Settlement 
and Explanation. After 1680 the signs of approaching storms 
became more apparent. In November 1681 a petition was 
presented to the Dublin Corporation showing that the severe 
persecutions of many Protestant families in France upon 
account of their religion had forced a number of them to take 
sanctuary in Ireland. At the same time the Lord Lieutenant 
and Privy Council, ' of their accustomed pitty and charity to 
the afflicted,' recommended that ' a collection be made through- 
out the city and suburbs towards the relief of such French 
Protestants,' and that * all fitting furtherance and assistance 
might be given to the said Protestants towards their setting 
up and following their several trades and callings.' 

The Corporation accordingly directed that a collection 
should be made, and that the money received should be paid 
over to the Clerk of the Council. To this collection the Lord 
Lieutenant, the Lord Primate, the Lord Chancellor, and the 
rest of the Privy Council contributed. 1 It was further 
ordered by the Corporation that French Protestant artisans 
and craftsmen should be admitted to the freedom of the city 
without fines or fees, and also for five years to come free of 
all city taxes. This Act of Assembly, as it is termed in the 
Rolls, was renewed for seven years after the Revocation of 
Nantes, and again in 1692. Many tradesmen were admitted 
under it, including some of the French weavers, who were to 
make Dublin famous for their wares. Such privileges could 
not, of course, be given without exciting some jealousy on the 
part of the native tradesmen. The collection amounted to 
several hundred pounds, and when the troubled times of the 
Revolution were over the refugees applied to Lord Galway in 
April 1693 to obtain the balance for the benefit oi their poor, 
expecting to receive 500/. or 600Z. They received an order on 
Mr. Palmer, the Clerk of the Council, for. 81/., ' le surplus 
ayant ete employe par le Comite a assist er les pauvres 

1 Hug. Soc. Prbceedings, vol. vii- p. 157. 



During the ministry of M. Viridet the French Church 
deemed it desirable to provide themselves with a graveyard 
of their own, and accordingly applied to the Dean and 
Chapter of St. Patrick's for a piece of ground near to the new 
burial ground of the Cathedral, which was thereupon leased 
to them for twency-one years at a rent of one shilling a year 
on conditions that they should enclose the ground 4 with a 
sufficient stone or brick wall and a decent gate thereinto.' 
In 1685 the Minister and Churchwardens of the French 
Church presented a further petition to the Dean and Chapter 
representing that the Archbishop who was to consecrate the 
burial ground did not consider the lease sufficient without a 
deed by the Dean and Chapter that they would not alienate 
the ground. The latter agreed, and directed that such a 
deed as was required should be drawn up for them to sign. 
The rent was subsequently raised to 21. 13s. 4cZ., and the plot 
was finally purchased from the Church Temporalities Com- 
missioners by Messrs. Bessonet and La Touche on behalf of 
the Consistory in 1876. The churchyard is situated at the 
end of Cathedral Lane, adjoining the old churchyard formerly 
known as ths Cabbage Garden, and is now in the hands of 
the trustees of the French Huguenot Fund. 

For some months before his retirement M. Viridet was 
assisted by Josue Eossel, who succeeded to the ministry of 
the French Church in June 1685, and held it until his death 
in 1691. Agnew 1 appears to identify him with Josue Eossel, 
the Minister of Vigan, who presided over the General 
Assembly of the Eeformed Churches of the Cevennes at 
Colognac in 1683, 2 and was in the following year condemned 
to be broken on the wheel. His period of office included two 
of the most important events in Huguenot and Irish History 
— the Ee vocation of the Edict of Nantes and the E evolution 
of 1688. Unfortunately we know very little of the history of 
the Church or its Minister during this most interesting and 
critical period. He was one of those who signed the address 

1 Agnew, Protestant Exiles from France, vol. ii. p. 364. 

2 Hiuf. Soc. Proceedings, vol. ii. p. 395. History of the Edict of Nantes, 
vol. iii. p. 66. 



of the Dublin Clergy to King James, and Archbishop King, 
in his * State of the Protestants of Ireland,' mentions him as 
having been imprisoned by that monarch. Monckmason 1 
states, apparently on the authority of John Oldniixon, 2 that 
in June 1689 he was seized and delivered to the Count 
d'Avaux in order to be sent over to France. It is significant 
that the Registers of the Church, which break off abruptly 
towards the end of 1687 (possibly owing to the inundation, 
which rose above the desk3 in the Cathedral and did much 
damage), do not appear to have been re-opened until after 
the arrival of King William in Dublin. One marriage, indeed, 
is stated to have been solemnised by M. Rossel in 1688, but 
it does not seem to have been entered on the Register till 

Many of the artisans and manufacturers who had been 
driven from France by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 
found a refuge in Ireland, some reaching it directly by sea 
from Poitou, Aunis, Xaintonge, and Guienne, while others 
escaped first to Holland or England. The French regiments of 
Galway, De La Melonniere, Lifford, and Belcastle, after serving 
through the wars in Ireland 3 and Flanders, were disbanded 
in Ireland after the peace of Ryswick, together with Mire- 
mont's Regiment of Dragoons, which had also served in 
Flanders. The greater number of the officers appear to have 
settled in Ireland, where they were joined by relatives and 
friends. There were at least 590 French pensioners on the 
Irish Civil List in 1702. 4 The Registers of the French 
Churches of Dublin are full of the names of officers, and in 
co-opting its members the Consistory of the Conformed Church 
appears to have taken care to secure a due representation of 
the military and commercial sections of the congregation 
respectively. The absence of records makes it impossible to 
say whether this was also the case in the new and larger 
congregation which did not conform. 

1 Monckmason, History of St. Patrick's Cathedral, p. 9, note. 
* Memoirs of Ireland, London, 1716. 
1 Hiberniae Notitia, Dublin, 1723. 
. * 18th Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, 
Appendix, 24-26. 



The Nonconformist French Churches, 1692-1731. 

The Sovereign had power under the Act of Uniformity 
to exempt any foreign Churches from its penalties. A further 
step in the slow progress towards religious freedom was now 
taken, liberty of public worship being accorded by law to 
foreign settlers under certain conditions. The Act 4 William 
and Mary, cap. 2, provided that ' All Protestant Strangers 
and foreigners who shall at any time hereafter come into this 
Kingdom, and shall take the oaths and subscribe the declara- 
tion herein above mentioned, shall have and enjoy the free 
exercise of their religion, and have the liberty of meeting 
together publicly for the worship of God, and of hearing 
divine service and performing other religious duties in their 
own several rites used in their own countries ; any law or 
statute to the contrary notwithstanding.' The liberty thus 
granted did not commend itself to High Church politicians, 
but was supported by moderate adherents to the principle 
of uniformity as applying only to foreigners. 

This Act was passed in 1692, and in January 1693 a 
new French congregation was established following the 
discipline of the Reformed Churches of France. This con- 
gregation is generally referred to for convenience as the 
French Nonconformist Church, but the terms Conformed and 
Nonconformist, though literally accurate, are in this connec- 
tion somewhat misleading, inasmuch as they seem to imply 
an antagonism which, so far a3 I can discover, did not exist 
between the French Churches of Dublin. The Huguenots 
of the Revocation had no part in the past which gives this 
colouring to the words. Among the Refugees the Churches 
were commonly spoken of a3 ' Anglicane ' and £ Franchise ' 
or ' Calviniste ' respectively. The fact that both congrega- 
tions belonged to the body which they styled Le Corps du 
Befuge outweighed any differences in their common Frotes- 
tantism, and they united heartily in all measures for the 
good of that body. 

The Church in Bride Street, UEglise recueillie proche 
St. Brigide, had its humble beginning in a house in that 
street let for the purpose by Mr. Thomas Whitshed, an 



eminent Irish Counsel, father of William Whitshed, the 
Lord Chief Justice, and an ancestor of Charles Stewart 
Parnell, at a rent of 14Z. per annum, with a payment of 
10s. to the Rector and Churchwardens of St. Bride's. The 
next step was to provide the Church with a cemetery. A 
receipt noted by Dr. Caul field enables me to correct an error 
in my introduction to the Registers of the Church, where 
I stated that this cemetery was near Newmarket on the 
Coombe. The receipt refers to the cemetery as the tenth 
lot on the north side of St. Stephen's Green. The waste 
lands round St. Stephen's Green, which were the property 
of the Corporation, had been divided and leased in lots in 
1664. The lots on the north side began about 200 yards 
east of the present limits of the Green and extended to 
Grafton Street. 1 They had each a frontage of sixty feet, 
and the tenth lot coincides with the existing burial ground 
in Merrion Row. The head rents of these lots, one penny 
for each foot in depth, were granted by the Corporation in 
1669 to the King's Hospital, Oxmantown, commonly known 
as the Blue Coat School. The Bride Street congregation 
bought the tenants' interest in this tenth lot for 16L, and 
continued to pay the head rent of 9s. 2^d. to the agent 
of the King's Hospital. Their first Minister was Joseph 
Lagacherie, of whom I have not been able to find any 
particulars. He was joined in August 1693 by Barthelemy 
Balaguier, who brought with him from London a Bible, 
a New Testament, La Discipline Ecclesiastique, and a 
Liturgy for the use of the Church. Balaguier, a native 
of Puylaurens in Languedoc, was Minister of Aiguefonde 
and Aussillon from 1677 to 1685, and had been con- 
demned in the latter year to perpetual banishment and con- 
fiscation of all his goods, valued at 5,500 livres, equivalent 
to some 1,300Z. in the present day. 2 He came to London, 
and was one of the body of French Ministers incorporated 
by the Letters Patent of 1688, and appears to have officiated 

1 Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. iv. pp. 297, 486. 

2 Bouhereau MSS. (in Marsh's Library, Dublin) and Hug. Soc. Proceedings* 
▼ol. vi. p. 273. P. de Felice, Les Protestants d' Autrefois, vol. ii. pp. 225, 246. 


from 1690 to 1693 in the Churches established in London 
under that patent. 1 He married Marie Perer or De Peres, 
a native of Montauban, who died in 1722. They had a son, 
Jean Antoine, baptized at the Church of La Patente, Spital- 
fields, in 1689, and at least two daughters — Marie, baptized 
at Threadneedie Street in 1688, and Pauline, who was 
married by her father in Peter Street Church on January 23, 
1724, to Daniel Gervais. This was one of M. Balaguier's 
last official acts ; he does not appear to have officiated after 
May 1724, and died on January 27, 1725, aged 76. 

M. Lagacherie left soon after Easter 1694, and M. Bala- 
guier, with two projposants or candidates for the ministry, 
M. De la Chappelle and M. De la Roche, who were very 
probably 2 his pupils, continued the services till the arrival 
at the end of 1696 of Jean Darassus, whose mother-in-law, 
Madame de Romagnac, was already a member of the congre- 
gation. M. Balaguier's services were then apparently given 
to Portarlington for a time, 3 but in the absence of any records 
of the Dublin Church it is impossible to speak with any 
certainty on this subject. Jean Darassus had settled in 
Heidelberg, but by the burning and ruin of that town his 
family was reduced to a miserable state. 4 He was subse- 
quently Chaplain to Lord Galway while in Piedmont from 
1694 to 1696, and received a pension of a shilling a day. 
On Lord Galway's return he came to Dublin and took up 
duty in the French Church in Bride Street. He married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Colonel de Romagnac, an officer of 
King William's Army, and had five children: Jean, men- 
tioned in his mother's will ; Elie, who joined Colonel Barrel's 
Regiment, became a captain in the army, and died in 1699, 
leaving a widow, Antoinette, nee Robert de la Mouline ; 
Charles, who was educated in Trinity College, Dublin 
(B.A. 1718, M.A. 1721), became Chaplain in Colonel du 
Bourgay's Regiment, and died in 1731 ; Anne Henriette, 

1 Burn, Foreign Refugees, p. 150 ; and Minet and Waller, Registers of the 
Church of La Patente, SrAtalfields. 

2 Les Protestants a 1 ' Autrefois, vol. ii. p. 6. 
* Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. iii. p. 16. 

4 French Pensioners' Declarations, in Public Record Office of Ireland. 



who married Paul de St. Ferreol, one of the Ministers of the 
French Nonconformist Church ; and Marianne, who married 
Pierre Bouquet de St. Paul, a Minister of the French Church 
of St. Patrick. Jean Darassus would seem to have died or 
resigned in the beginning of 1717. 

Only a very few additional particulars as to the history 
of the Church in these early years can be given. The 
Government, for reasons of policy, did not contribute to the 
support of the Ministers of the French Nonconformist 
Churches, but in May 1895 they made the Bride Street 
Church a charitable grant of 10/. The Church also received 
several legacies. A blind old Minister, David Pigou de la 
Grandnoue, died in 1696 leaving it his little hoard of sixty- 
five guineas and a few smaller coins and his furniture subject 
to the payment of some small legacies. 

As early as 1690 Charles Piossel, the Minister of the 
Conformed Church, and Jacques Abbadie, afterwards Dean 
of Killaloe, 1 had suggested to the King the desirability of 
appropriating some of the forfeited Chapels in the city to 
the use of the refugees. Whether with this object, or merely 
as an addition to the grounds attached to his house in Pill 
Lane, Sir Charles Meredith obtained on July 30, 1697, a 
Custodiam grant of a small piece of ground and a chapel on 
the west side of Lucy Lane, which was otherwise known 
as Mass Street and is now Chancery Place. This chapel had 
been occupied by the Jesuits in the time of James II, and 
was now forfeited to the Crown. The account books of the 
Nonconformist Church show that Sir Charles Meredith was 
one of its benefactors, and from the fact that the Custodiam 
grant is among its deeds it would appear to have acquired 
his interest in the chapel. Be this as it may, M. Darassus 
and his congregation were established there within two years 
from the date of the grant. 2 The fee simple was sold by 
public auction on June 3, 1703, to the Hollow Sword Blade 
Company, who let it for fifty years to the congregation, and 
the lease was renewed on the expiration of that period. 

1 J. Seaton Reid, D.D., History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, 
* Prerog. Will of Jacques Dornant, 1699. 



With the growth of the congregation came a proposal 
to call another Minister, and from a letter addressed to the 
Consistory of Threadneedle Street in June 1701 we learn 
that differences of opinion on this point led to a schism. As 
the result presumably of this secession we find a new Non- 
conformist congregation established in September 1701 in 
Wood Street. In its earliest existing Register it is styled 
UEglise Franchise de Golblac Lane, a name which has 
defied all attempts at identification. Its cemetery was 
near Newmarket on the Coombe, and is probably included 
m St. Luke's Churchyard, as there is no other burial ground 
in the locality. The first two entries in the Register, dated 
September 7 and 14, are signed J. Gillet, Pasteur. He is 
not actually styled a Minister of the Church, but, following 
Agnew, 1 he may perhaps be included in the list. Jacob Gillet 
belonged to a family which came from Bergerac. He 
officiated at Newport Market Church in London in 1693-4, 
at Portarlington from 1694-8, and at various London 
Churches from 1700-1 5. 2 

From September 21, 1701, to April 1704 M. Pons is the 
only Minister who appears to have officiated in the Church 
of Wood Street. He ' served the Nonconformist Church for 
seventeen years, and yet he has not even left hi3 Christian 
name on record. He may probably be identified with a 
M. Ponse, also without a Christian name, who officiated at 
Glasshouse Street and Leicester Fields Churches in 1693, 
and with M. Pont, formerly Minister of Mazeres, who was in 
London in 1692. 3 The variation in the final letter of the 
name also occurs in the Dublin Registers. He had a 
daughter, who died in 1706, and another Mademoiselle Pons, 
probably also his daughter, was obliged to apologise before 
the Consistory of the French Church of St. Patrick in 1712 
for reflections on the orthodoxy of M. Jourdan, a French 
Refugee, who was Rector of Dunshaughlin. In May 1704 
M. Pons was joined by Jean de Durand, who served the 

1 Agnew, vol. ii. p. 361. 

* Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. iii. p. 416 ; vol. vi. p. 274. 
1 Ibid. vol. iii. pp. 338, 415. 



Church for forty years, dying in the beginning of 1744. He 
was one of the refugees who was attracted to Dublin by the 
fact that their relatives were pensioners of King William's 
Army, Colonel de Eomagnac and Brigadier Salomon de Blosset 
de Loche being both related to him. He does not appear to 
have married. 

In 1707 the Wood Street and Lucy Lane Churches were 
reunited, and from that year till 1716 the names of the four 
Ministers, Balaguier, Darassus, Pons, and De Durand, appear 
in the Ptegisters. The lease of the house in Wood Street 
being about to expire, and the landlord demanding exorbitant 
term3 for renewal, 1 the Ministers and elders, after seeking 
everywhere for another meeting place, found it necessary 
to build themselves a Church. This new Church, which had 
a burial ground attached to it, was built by subscription, and 
was consecrated on December 19, 1711. It bore the following 
inscription 2 : 





pseaume cxxn v. 6. 

The Church was situated in Peter Street, and the congrega- 
tion was henceforward commonly styled the Peter Street 
congregation or ' L'Eglise Franccise de St. Pierre,' sometimes 
more briefly ' St. Pierre ' or ' French Peter's,' the Conformed 
Church being French Patrick's. The site was leased from 
the Domvile family. 

The Nonconformist body naturally attracted the greater 
number of the immigrants, and the Conformed congregation, 
though only paying a small part of their Ministers' salaries, 

1 Church Miscellaneous Records, in Public Becord Office in Ireland. 
* Dr. Caolfield's Notes. 



were unable to contribute share and share alike with the 
Nonconformists for the relief of poor refugees passing to and 
fro. The number of baptisms from 1716-30, the only period 
during which there is anything like a complete record, is also 
greater for the Nonconformist congregation. As to the actual 
size of the congregations, the only clue I have been able 
to find is Captain de L'Aspois' statement that there were 
400 communicants belonging to the congregation of St. Patrick 
in 1705. The congregation of the second Conformed Church 
of St. Mary was smaller, but still large enough to require 
two Ministers. As the refugees were still arriving, it is 
impossible to estimate the congregation of the united Churches 
of St. Patrick and St. Mary at less than 800, or that of Peter 
Street and Lucy Lane at much below 900, and these figures 
may have been considerably exceeded. 

In 1716 it was determined to employ a fifth Minister, and 
Paul de St. Ferreol accepted the call. The number was 
again reduced to four on the death or resignation of M. Pons 
in 1718. Paul de St. Ferreol would appear to have been a 
relative of Charles de St. Ferreol, 1 a native of Dauphine, who, 
after serving nine years in Ireland and Flanders and losing 
an arm at the siege of Limerick, had settled in Dublin. 
M. de St. Ferreol first appears as officiating in Peter- 
Street Church in May 1717, and continued in its service 
until his death at his house in Clarendon Street on 
February 5, 1755. He married Anne Henrietta, daughter of 
Jean Darassus, and had at least five daughters, of whom 
one, Jeanne, married Pierre le Clerc. 

In July. 1717 Paul de la Douespe arrived to fill the place 
of Jean Darassus. He came from Holland, where his parents 
Francois de la Douespe and Philippe Majou his wife had 
settled after the Revocation, 2 and cannot have been long 
ordained. He was called to Threadneedle Street 3 in the* 
following year, but did not take up his duties till 1720. He 
seems to have spent the rest of his life in London, where he 

1 Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 324. 

2 Bulletin de la Soctitt de VHistoire du Protestantisms Francais, 1905, 
p. 100. 

1 Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. iii. p. 347. 



appears as officiating at La Patente, Spitalfields, up to 1760. 
He was succeeded at Peter Street by Gaspar Caillard, who 
would appear to have come from Cork. He appears in the 
Eegister for the first time on October 23, 1720, and left on 
appointment to PortarHngton by King's letter of December 20, 
1739. During his Ministry in Peter Street he published a 
volume of sermons (8vo., Dublin, 1728), including one Surles 
justes homes cle tolerance. He seems to have remained at 
Portarlington till his death in 1767, and to have also been 
Rector of Moyglare and a Canon of Kildare. 

The next vacancy was created by the death of Barthelemy 
Balaguier in January 1725. He apparently ceased to do 
duty six months before his death, and was succeeded by Jacob 
Pallard, who was called from Geneva, and served the Church 
till 1735. I have not been able to find out anything else 
concerning him. No further changes took place in the 
ministry up to the date when the Registers break off in 

The French Churches of St. Patrick and St. Mary, 

Returning to the Conformed Church we find that its 
earliest Minute Book begins on April 17, 1692, when Charles 
Rossel presided as Minister. His formal appointment was 
not completed until a month later, as. the following Order in 
Council shows : 

By the Lords Justices and Council. 

Charles Porter 

Upon consideration had of the Petition of Charles Rossel 
praying inasmuch as his father, who was Minister of the French 
Church in this City, is lately deceased, he may by the favour and 
Lycence of this Board be admitted to succeed him in that charge. 
Wee having received a good character of the ability and piety of 
the Petitioner, doe think fit to grant his said request, and doe 
therefore desire his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Dublin to admit 
him accordingly, and that he may be received by the said Con- 
gregation as from Christmas last. 



Given at the Council Chamber in Dublin the 13th day of Mav, 

Drogheda. Blesinton. Longford. 
EL Eeynell. Ei. Pyne. Jno. Hely. 

Prior to his appointment to the French Church Charles 
Eossel had been Curate, first to his father's old friend, Closes 
Viridet, at Arklow, and next at Kildrought and Straft'an. He 
subsequently became Vicar of Drumlane in the Diocese of 
Kilmore, and was promoted to Killesherdiney in the same 
diocese in 1740. By his will dated June 21, 1750, and proved 
on February 26, 1754, he leaves legacies to the French Church 
of St. Patrick's and to Killesherdiney. He had a daughter, 
who married Jerome Brodin. His son Charles predeceased 
him, leaving a son, Charles, who was a merchant in Dublin 
at the time of his grandfather's death. 

The first act of the Consistory was to select a colleague 
for M. Eossel, the congregation having increased to such an 
extent as to require the services of a second. Minister. Lord 
Galway, the recognised leader of the Irish Huguenots, was 
now commanding the Forces in Ireland, and had with him 
as chaplain one Gabriel Barbier, who in the previous year 
had been serving as Minister at Greenwich, 1 where Lord 
Galway's parents had taken refuge at the Eevocation, and 
where his mother, the Marquise de Euvigny, was still living. 
The Consistory nominated M. Barbier as their second 
Minister, and the choice being unanimously confirmed by the 
Chefs de Famille, he accepted the call on May 29, 1692, 
and took up his duties at once. Charles Eossel having 
resigned his place and salary in August of the same year, 
M. Barbier succeeded to them, and served the Church ' avec 
une tres gr ancle edification ' for nearly eighteen years, -dying 
in February 1710, aged about fifty-one. The congregation 
being once more in need of a second pasteur, unanimously 
determined to leave the selection to Lord Galway, who 
nominated Jean Severin. 

M. Severin 2 was born about 1640, and had been Minister 

1 Hug. Soc. 'Proceedings, vol. iii. p. 339. 

2 Ibid. vol. i. p. 164. Les Eglises du Refuge, vol. ii. pp. 268, 332, 341, 351. 



at Prouville from 1667-72 and retired shortly afterwards to 
England, where he did temporary duty at Threadneedle 
Street in 1675. He appears to have meditated a return to 
France in 1677 as Minister of St. Christophe, but it is not 
clear whether he carried out his intention. 1 In 1683 he 
joined the Anglican Church, 2 being re-ordained by the Bishop 
of London and appointed to preach in the Parish Church 
of Beaumont in Essex to the French refugees there. The 
congregation was soon afterwards transferred to the neigh- 
bouring parish of Thorpe le Sokeii, where M. Severin remained 
till 1687. During this period he took an active interest in 
the question of the naturalisation of the refugees, and on the 
accession of James II presented an address from his congre- 
gation declaring their loyalty. In I6S7 he left Thorpe le 
Soken for Greenwich, 3 where we find him in 1691 baptizing 
a godchild of Lord Galway. He died in February 1704. 
having been married to Elizabeth Raillard, who survived 
him until September 1735. 

M. Severin took up his duties on February 19, 1693, and, 
strengthened no doubt by the support of this experienced 
Minister, Lord Galway two months later attempted the re- 
union of the two Churches. As one who had relinquished his 
French property and devoted himself to the service of the 
country of his adoption, Lord Galway was naturally anxious 
that he and his followers should as far as possible cease to be 
counted foreigners. * II est Men ennuyeux,' * he writes a few 
years later to the Earl of Shrewsbury, ' a" avoir passe sa vie 
protestant en France, et estranger en Angleterre.' He was, 
therefore, disposed towards conformity, and drew up Articles 
of Union, which were readily accepted by the Conformed 
Church. All his arguments, however, failed to move the 
Nonconformist congregation, and he was therefore obliged to 
abandon his design ; but before leaving to attend the King in 
Flanders, he sent for the members of the two Consistories, 
and exhorted them to live in accord as brethren ; whereupon, 
after the manner of their native land, they embraced each 
other with every token of friendship. For some time previous 

1 Les Eglises fiu Refuge, vol. ii. p. 268. 2 Burn, p. 121. 

3 Agnew, vol. ii. p. 112. * Buccleugh MSS., p. 6*2*2. 



to his departure Lord Galway had been busy with his schemes 
for the establishment of colonies of French refugees in Ireland, 
which have been fully described by Madame La Baronne de 
Chambrier in the sixth volume of the 4 Proceedings of ohe 
Huguenot Society.' These proposals attracted a great number 
of Refugees, who were daily arriving from Germany, Switzer- 
land, Holland, England, and elsewhere, and the Consistory, 
disappointed in their hope of obtaining a considerable sum 
from the balance of the collection of 1681, distributed nine 
collecting boxes among the principal members of the congrega- 
tion with the view of raising a Relief Fund. They also hired 
a house in Chequer Lane (now divided into Exchequer Street 
and Wicklow Street) at 51. a year as a shelter for some of 
these poor people, and supplied them with rugs and straw 
mattresses. M. Severin was also deputed to wait, with two 
elders, on the Lords Justices and endeavour to obtain for the 
colonists at Portarlington the same advantages as had been 
granted those settled on the lands of Lord Blayney and Sir 
Richard Cox, where each colonist had received a cow, seeds, 
and other necessaries. 

The influx of refugees had also the effect of overcrowding 
the Church, and in a few years it became necessary to pro- 
vide increased accommodation. Accordingly, in December 
1697, it was resolved to build a large gallery at a cost of 57L 
This addition did not long suffice for the growing needs of the 
congregation, and in May following a second gallery was built 
at a cost of 321. Lord Gaiway, who was now one of the Lords 
Justices, expressed a desire to have this gallery for himself 
and his household, and defrayed the cost of its erection. A 
third gallery was thereupon erected at a cost of 221. During 
these alterations, at the request of Lord Galway and the 
Archbishop, leave was given to the congregation to make use 
of St. Kevin's Church for their services. In April 1699 two 
new galleries were constructed at a cost of 631. 14s. SJ. 
Probably the old galleries were now remodelled and enlarged* 
but it is also possible that, as at Charenton, 1 there were two 
tiers of galleries. 

1 P. de Felice, Les Protestants d' Autrefois, vol. i. p. 12. 
VOL. VIII. — NO. I. I 



The growth of the congregation necessarily threw addi- 
tional work on the Ministers, and in October, 1698, M. Bar bier, 
who had already complained of the insufficiency of his salary 
of 50?. to the needs of his family, and M. Severin applied for 
an increase of salary of 101. per annum. This was refused 
by the Consistory, but afterwards agreed to by the congrega- 
tion in general assembly. 

The persecution being still actively carried on in France, 
the Dublin Church appointed periodical days of fasting and 
prayer for their afflicted brethren and charity sermons for 
those in prison or on the galleys. 

It soon became necessary to employ a third Minister. 
The choice of the congregation again fell on a chaplain in the 
service of their patron, Lord Galway, a M. de la Sara, who 
took up' his duties on April 28, 1700. He only remained in 
office for a little more than a year, resigning in July 1701, 
and -his name does not appear in the Eegisters of the Church. 
I have not been able to find out anything further about him. 

In October 1700 a further addition was made to the 
Ministry of the Church by the appointment of Mr. Charles de 
la Koche at a salary of 51. — afterwards raised to Ql. — a quarter, 
to be reader (lecteur) and assistant Minister, to visit the sick, 
attend funerals, administer baptism, and generally to act for 
the Ministers in their absence. Charles de la Roche would 
appear to have been a member of one of the three or four 
families of the name settled in Dublin, if he is to be identi- 
fied with the proposant (or candidate for the ministry) 
who delivered some forty propositions or sermons before the 
Bride Street congregation in 1694, 1695, and 1696. He was 
ordained by Archbishop Marsh in 1698, and assisted 
frequently in the French Church of St. Patrick during 1699, 
but appears to have been serving at Clumel, which perhaps 
means Clonmel, at the time when he was offered the post 
of reader. He retired in October 1702, after holding the 
post for two years, and in 1706 became chaplain to Colonel 
Fontjuliane's Regiment in Lord Rivers' Brigade. In the 
following year a Charles de la Roche, who may be the same 
person, preached at Canterbury, and gave such satisfaction 



that he was shortly afterwards elected Minister, and remained 
there till his death in 1712. 

M. de la Eoche was succeeded in the office of reader and 
assistant Minister by Abraham Yiridet, who, having left France 
to escape persecution, had begun his studies for the ministry 
at Geneva, and completed them in Trinity College, Dublin, 
where he graduated as B.A. in 1702 and M.A. in 1706. He 
was ordained deacon in St. Canice's Cathedral, Kilkenny, on 
May 17, 1703, and priest in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, on 
March 9, 1707. He appears to have resigned his post of reader 
in 1705, and to have been re-appointed in 1712. He seems also 
to have kept a school, and was granted a licence to teach Latin 
in the Diocese of Dublin by the Archbishop on July 23, 1716. 
He married Mary Vivian, widow, in 1709, and their elder 
son Daniel, who entered college in 1725 and took third place, 
is described as having been educated sub ferula paternd. 
This son took orders. His brother was named John Elias. 
Abraham Yiridet continued to serve the French Church of 
St. Patrick until his death on June 4, 1738, one of his duties 
being to translate into French the forms of prayer prescribed 
from time to time for fasts and thanksgivings. 

The Consistory now took an important step, thus recorded 
by Dr. La Touche : 

' The want of room still continuing, and many persons being 
unable to find accommodation in the Church, they determined 
to take a convenient place on the other side of the river, near 
Capel Street, called the Chapel of St. Mary, and to make it an 
annexe to the Church of St. Patrick. This they did with the 
approval of Lord Galway, taking a lease from Sir Humphrey 
Gervais or Jervis.' 

The Lords Justices contributed 200Z. towards the cost 
of the new Church, and Gabriel Barbier and Jean Severin 
preached there for the first time on March 16, 1701. Four 
months later M. de la Sara resigned, and Louis Quartier, 
a resident in Dublin, was appointed in his place as third 
Minister, and took up his duties on July 27, 1701. 

Louis Quartier was the son of Jacques Quartier, Minister 



of the French Church at Groningen, and his wife, Louise 
Barbier, and married on July 21, 1703, Marguerite, daughter 
of the celebrated Elie Bouhereau, the first librarian of Arch- 
bishop Marsh's library, and Marguerite Matiot his wife. 
It may here be noted that Elie Bouhereau was not a 
Minister of either of the French Churches in Dublin, but took 
part occasionally in the affairs of the Conformed Church as a 
member of the congregation. Marguerite Quartier died in 
April 1707, leaving one daughter, Jeanne, who married in 
1730 Jean Freboul, and had several children. Louis 
Quartier, her husband., died on October 22, 1715. 

The matter which principally engaged the attention of 
the Church at this time was the relief of the poor refugees, 
on which they often conferred with the Nonconformist Church, 
in order to prevent the same persons obtaining relief inde- 
pendently from both bodies. They also adopted Conrart's 
version of the Psalms at the suggestion of the Fast ears and 
Professors of Geneva and after consultation with the other 
French Churches in Ireland. For the greater convenience 
of the congregation they obtained permission from the Dean 
and Chapter of St. Patrick's to open a door, previously 
bricked up, leading from the Church into the cemetery, ' near 
the great ■ gate . by which one enters the cemetery from 
St. Patrick's Close.' 

The increasing duties arising from the opening of the 
annexe on the north side of the river soon proved too much 
for the three Ministers, and the Consistory resolved on the 
curious expedient of asking two Ministers, Pierre Peze Dega- 
liniere and Henri de Rocheblave, to accept * Entre eux deux 
une charge de pasteur* at a salary of 15?. per annum each. 
The offer was accepted on November 17, 1701. The two 
new Ministers had previously served together in the Chapel 
called Le Quarre, in Little Dean Street, Westminster, in 1692. 
Pierre Peze Degaliniere 1 had been Minister at Mans, where he 
performed his duties assiduously almost up to the Be vocation, 2 
and after leaving France became successively Minister at the 

1 Burn, pp. 145, 148. Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. iii. pp. 339, 415. 

2 History of the Edict of Nantes, vol. iii. p 701. 



French Chapel in Hungerford Market in 1689 and at Le 
Quarre in 1692. He also officiated at Glasshouse Street and 
Leicester Fields Churches in 1691. He was a friend and 
correspondent of Samuel Pepys, who wrote to Archbishop 
Tenison in 1699 on behalf of his wife and necessitous family, 
giving him a high character for piety and learning, based on 
many years' intimate knowledge. After Pepys' death John 
Jackson, his nephew, presented M. Degaliniere with a 
mourning ring and a copy of Bayle's Dictionary in memory 
of his uncle. Mr. Jackson also became godfather to one of 
M. Degaliniere's children. Through Pepys' learned kinsman, 
Dr. Thomas Gale, Dean of Cork, he became known to Edward 
Wetenhall, the Bishop of Kilmore, by whom he was collated 
to the Vicarage of Mohill in 1699 and to that of Drung and 
Larah, in the Diocese of Kilmore, in 1700. The last-named 
benefice he held in conjunction with his office in the Con- 
formed French Church until his death in 1721. He had 
several children, but only one survived him. 

Henri de Eocheblave was, according to Agnew, 1 born in 
France in 1665, and was at the time of the Pievocation a 
student of theology at Schaif hausen, where he was admitted 
to the ministry at the age of twenty-one. Agnew further 
states that he took refuge in England, and became domestic 
chaplain to the Marquise de Piuvigny at Greenwich. He 
was successively Minister at Greenwich, Swallow Street, 
Hungerford Market, and Le Quarre, where, as already men- 
tioned, he was the colleague of M. Degaliniere from 1692. 2 
He also officiated at Glasshouse Street and Leicester Fields 
Churches in 1690. 3 -He was collated to Narraghmore, in the 
Diocese of Dublin, in 1696 and to Usk in the same diocese 
in 1700. He served the French Church of St. Patrick from 
November 1701 to November 1702, when he retired, being 
obliged to reside in his benefice. Piesigning his benefice in 
the following year, he became Minister of Lucy Lane Church, 
and subsequently returned to London, whence he was called 
in August 1706 to rejoin the Conformed Church. Agnew 

1 Agnew, vol. ii. p. 246. 2 Burn, pp. 140, 145, 148. 

J Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. iii. p. 415. 



extols his fidelity to the Nonconformist Church, but he died 
a Minister of the Conformed congregation, and was buried on 
September 18, 1709, in the French Church of St. Patrick. 
He married before coming to Ireland Isabeau (or Elizabeth) 
La Caux, who survived him, and published his sermons in 
1710, with a dedication to Lord Galway. She was left with 
her three children in great poverty, and received 21?. from. 
His Majesty's Bounty in 1717. 1 

M. Severin died in February 1704, and in the autumn of 
the same year the Consistory proposed to appoint M. de la 
Mothe in his place at a salary of 60?. per annum. M. Dega- 
liniere (whose salary was only 40?.) thereupon claimed the 
post as of right. The Archbishop approved of the choice of 
M. de la Mothe, but advised the Consistory not to proceed 
until he could consult the Lord Lieutenant and his secretary. 
The Consistory at once asserted their privileges, and the 
Archbishop disclaimed any intention of interfering with the 
liberties of the Church. After a vain attempt, in which 
Dr. Bouhereau took part, to settle the matter by means of the 
arbitration of the Archbishop, the congregation divided, and 
from January 1, 1705, the Church of St. Mary became a 
separate body, with M. Degaliniere as its Minister and a Con- 
sistory of its own. 

The Church of St. Patrick under Gabriel Barbier and 
Louis Quartier maintained its numbers, its communicants 
exceeding 400, and its Ministers appear to have enjoyed the 
annual grant of 50?. settled on the Church at its establish- 
ment and a further allowance of 20?. obtained in 1704. 
Save for a dispute in 1708 between Gabriel Barbier and 
another refugee — Jean Jourdan, Rector of Dunshaughlin 
— which was settled by the Archbishop, and some trouble with 
the roof of the Church requiring an expenditure of 40?. in 
1709, things appear to have gone very quietly with this con- 
gregation, in spite of several changes in its ministry. 

On Abraham Viridet resigning the post of reader in 1705, 
Henri de Bocheblave, apparently on the suggestion of the 
Archbishop, was recalled from London, and took up the post 

1 Hug. Soc. Proceedings, vol. i. p. 328. 


of third Minister on October 20, 1706. After his death in 
February 1709, and that of Gabriel Barbier in February 
1711, M. de la Mothe, now referred to as Minister of the 
Savoy, was asked to indicate a suitable person to fill the post 
of Minister. He recommended Alexandre de Susy Boan, who 
was also at this time serving at the Savoy. M. de Susy 
being, however, a convert, or, as the Minute Book terms it, 
a proselyte, was regarded with some of the suspicion which 
often attached to such persons, and as he was not known 
to* the congregation, they decided to await his testimonials 
before calling him. Everything proving satisfactory, he took 
up his duties on July 16, 1710, and continued to serve the 
Church till his death in November 1741. He married in 
February, 1713, Sophie Louise Adee, and had a son, 
Alexandre Frederick, born April 1718. His widow died in 
1767, aged 80. 

Louis Quartier died on October 22, 1715, and Lord 
Galway, to whom the selection of his successor was left, 
nominated Pierre Bouquet de St. Paul, the Minister at 
Wexford, where there had been a French congregation in St. 
Mary's Church since 1684. 1 

M. de St. Paul had been ordained priest at Fulham by 
Henry Compton, Bishop of London, on September 23, 1711, 
and 'was married by St. George Ashe, Bishop of Clogher, in 
the French Church of St. Patrick on June 17, 1716, to 
Marianne Darassus. They had several children, the last of 
whom died in 1787. M. de St. Paul was granted the degrees 
of B.D. and D.D. of Trinity College, Dublin, in 1727, and 
resigned his office in the French Church in 1735 on appoint- 
ment to the Rectory of Carlingford, County Armagh. 

Turning to St. Mary's, M. Degaliniere obtained a grant 
of 501. a year for the new Church, but had great diffieulty 
in obtaining a colleague. The name of M. de la Mothe was 
suggested by the Archbishop, but he was unable to come to 
terms with the congregation. M. Degaliniere then suggested 
a union with the Church of Lucy Lane with a view to a 

1 Registry Book, Diocese of Leighlin, 16G0-1695, p. 448. In Public Record 
G2ice of Ireland. 



* strict correspondence between the French Churches of the 
city.' The Archbishop, however, refusing his consent, it 
became necessary to take another course. 

Pascal Ducasse, a protege of Jacques Abbadie, the Dean 
of Killaloe, had been giving temporary assistance to M. 
Degaliniere, and was now called to be his colleague. He was 
a young man who was serving in Dublin as chaplain to 
Colonel Echlin's Eegiment, and who also held the living of 
Somerton and a Canonry at Norwich. He was the son 
of Pascal Ducasse, Seigneur de Meyrac, and Jeanne * de 
Campagne, and was a native of Pontar, in Beam. He had 
married in the French Church of St. Patrick in 1700 Cathe- 
rine Dumeny, daughter of Jean and Marie Dumeny. He was 
ordained priest in Christ Church Cathedral in November 
1705, and though little regarded at first, being described by 
Captain de l'Aspois, the Secretary of the Consistory of St. 
Patrick's, as 'levis armaturae miles,' he attained considerable 
celebrity and ecclesiastical promotion, being granted the degree 
of D.D. in 1722 and appointed Dean of Ferns in 1724 and Dean 
of Clogher in 1727. He died on January 8, 1730, having held 
office in the French Church up to the time of his death. 

In addition to their other troubles, the congregation of 
St. Mary's were much harassed in 1712 by the encroachments 
of an adjoining tenant, styled variously Meeking, Mekill, or 
MigiU, who threw down the steps of the Church, shook the 
building, used the space below the steps as a stable, and was 
only brought to reason by the threat of legal proceedings. No 
doubt with the view of repairing this damage a deputation 
waited on the Archbishop to try to obtain some stones from 
the castle. 

The split between the Conformed Churches naturally 
caused a good deal of bitterness at first, and Captain de 
l'Aspois 1 writes in angry terms to the Archbishop regarding 
the Church of St. Mary and its contemplated alliance with 
the Lucy Lane congregation, whom he refers to as Dissenters. 
Agnew makes too much of the Captain's choleric words and 
of a letter evidently seasoned to suit the Archbishop's palate. 

1 2nd Eeport of Historical MSS. Commissioners, 1871, Appendix, p. 243. 



The quarrel was of brief duration, and we soon find the three 
Consistories, that of St. Patrick's, that of St. Mary's, and that 
of Peter Street and Lucy Lane, uniting to enforce the penalties 
of their respective disciplines by informing each other of the 
names of those under censure. 

In 1710 negotiations with a view to reunion were instituted 
by Dean Abbadie, but apparently without success. In 1715 
Lord Galway took the matter up and carried it through, and 
the Articles of Union were ratified by Archbishop King on 
May 1 of the following year. From this time until closed by 
the unanimous consent of its congregation in August 1740 
the Church of St. Mary was used practically as a Chapel of 
Ease to the French Church of St. Patrick, and one set of 
Eegisters was kept for both. 

The Ministers actually in office at the time of the Union 
were : 

Alexandre de Susy Boan, 
Pierre Bouquet de St. Paul, 
Pierre Peze Degaliniere, and 
Pascal Ducasse, 

with Abraham Yiridet as assistant Minister and reader. 

Under the Articles of Union the two first named were to 
receive 60/. per annum, the other two 501., to be raised to 60/. 
as funds would allow. 

Immediately before the union Lord Galway had suggested 
to the Church of St. Patrick that they should have a third 
Minister, and had offered to obtain a Government allowance of 
60/. a year for him. He was, however, only able to obtain 40/. 
The Government contribution to the funds of the united 
Churches was, therefore, 200/. per annum, thus set out in the 
pamphlet entitled ' Hibernise Notitia,' Dublin, 1723. 


French Conforming Minister at St. Patrick's and £ a. d. 

St. Mary's, Dublin . . . . 60 0 0 

In augmentation as long as those two Churches 

continue united . . . . . . 40 0 0 


To the Minister of the French Church, Dublin . 50 0 0 

Second French Minister . . , . . 50 0 0 

£200 0 0 



The contribution remained at this amount until the 
Ministers were reduced to one in 1783, when it was fixed at 
150/. The perpetuities had to be drawn in the name of 
a particular Minister, and for this purpose Ministers were fre- 
quently re-appointed after they had served the Church for some 
years. It had been stipulated that the new Minister was to 
be paid 601. per annum, and was to be called by the congre- 
gation of St. Patrick's before the reunion. Their choice fell 
on Amaury Philippe Fleury, a member of a notable Huguenot 
family. He was the son of Louis Fleury, Pasteur of Tours, 1 
and Esther his wife, who were naturalised with their children 
on April 15, 1679. He is stated by Agnew to have been 
chaplain of Colonel La Bouchetiere's Eegiment in Portugal, 
but, if so, as he was officiating at the French Church of La 
Patente, Spitalfield3, during the very years of the expedition 
(1704-6), he can hardly have accompanied his regiment. 
This is not impossible ; M. Des Yoeux, of the Nonconformist 
Church, is an instance of a military chaplain remaining 
quietly at home while his regiment was on active service. 
Amaury Philippe Fleury 2 also officiated at West Street Chapel, 
London. He was born in 1671, and educated at Leyden. 
He took up his duties in the French Church on June 17, 
1716, and continued in its service until his death on Novem^ 
ber 13, 1734. During the last year of his ministry he had 
as colleague his son, Antoine Fleury, who had also been 
educated at Leyden, where he was ordained on September 4, 
1728. Antoine Fleury was licensed for the French Church of 
St. Patrick on April 30, 1730 — being apparently called to fill 
the place of fourth Minister, vacant since the death of M. 
Degaliniere in 1721 — and married on July 12, 1730, Marie 
Julie Brunet de Eochebrune. He remained at the French 
Church of St. Patrick till 1736, when he was appointed to the 
living of Coolbanagher. He became one of the Vicars Choral 
of Lismore in 1761. His son, George Louis, became Arch- 
deacon of Waterford in 1773, and two at least of his 
descendants are still clergymen cf the Church of Ireland. 

After the reunion of the two Churches things appear to 

1 Agnew, vol. ii. pp. 55, 97. 3 Burn, p. 144. 



have gone on very quietly. Besides the care of the poor, on 
which there were several conferences with the Lucy Lane and 
Peter Street Churches, the most important business which 
came before the Consistory concerned the fabric of their 
Church, In 1722 extensive repairs were undertaken, mainly 
to the roof and woodwork of the Church, besides some 
plastering, glazing, and paving, and the painting of the 
galleries, the pews, the Ten Commandments, and the Eoyal 
Arms. The cost amounted in all to 646Z. 18s. 8c?., which 
was raised by subscription. The list of subscribers, which is 
interesting as showing the state of public feeling towards the 
refugees, may be summarised as follows : 

£ s. d. 

The Government .100 0 0 

The Chapter of St. Patrick's . . . . 100 0 0 
The Lord Mayor and Aldermen of Dublin . . 50 0 0 
The Primate, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Arch- 
bishop of Tuam, and the Bishops of Meath, 
• Dromore, Down, EHmore, and Kaphoe . 40 19 6 
Members of the congregation and Huguenot 

friends ... . . . 355 19 2 

646 18 8 

During the progress of the works the gravestones, monu- 
ments, and stone coffins of several Archbishops and other 
eminent persons were exposed to view, 1 and the Consistory, 
realising that no further burials could take place in most 
parts of the Church without grave inconvenience, determined 
that for the future there should be none except in the vault 
under the Consistory room, the large entry outside the Church 
on the side next the Cathedral, and the aisle behind the 
pulpit. In 1726 it was proposed to purchase an organ for the 
Church at a cost of 100/. The Consistory agreed that it 
would be glad to have an organ, but found it impossible to 
incur the expense. 

1 Monckmason, History of St. Patrick's Cathedral, Appendix p. lxii. 




The Charitable Societies of the Dublin Huguenots, 

The Huguenot immigration still continued, and the ad- 
missions of several new arrivals are noted in the Minute Book. 
The refugees were still in an unsettled state, and so many 
poor foreigners were passing to and fro between England and 
Ireland that M. Denis, the Minister at Chester, found it 
necessary to apply to the Dublin Churches to help him to 
defray the expenses which he was often obliged to incur. 1 

Many of the refugees had been able to realise a good 
deal of their property and were" in comfortable circumstances, 
but there were many poor persons, and even whole families, 
who had not wherewithal to supply their most pressing needs. 
Their relief became a burden too great for the Churches, and 
under these circumstances a Society styled 1 La Societe 
Charitable des Franqois Protestants refugies a Dublin' 
was formed on September 7, 1719, with the object of assisting 
the poorer refugees. The members of the Society believing 
that idleness and the want of education were the greatest of 
all evils, made it their special care to provide for the teach- 
ing and apprenticing of the children, and looked forward to 
the establishment of a charity school on the model cf those 
round them in the city. Their funds consisted of the sub- 
scriptions of members and friends and the proceeds of their 
annual charity sermons. The subscription was ten shillings 
a year and five shillings entrance fee. The Society from the 
first included members both of the Conformed and Non- 
conformist congregations. In 1723 they established a day 
school for the children of poor refugees, who were to be taught 
reading, writing, psalm singing, the Bible in French and 

1 ' M. Darassus a represante a la compagnie que M. Denis, ministre franqois 
a Chester, lay a escrit qu'il se trouve souvant charge de povres qui passent 
d'un royaume a l'autre et qui ont besoin de seeours. II prie les Eglises de 
se royaume de luy vouloir donner un seeours pour le metre en estat de secourir 
les povres a qu'il en randra conte. II a ete delibere qu'on luy envoyera 
deux guinnees qu'on joindra a se que Mrs des Eglises conformistes donneront.' 
Charitable Minute Book of the Consistory of the French Church of St. Peter, 
July 12, 1713. (The spelling is that of the original.) 



English, and the catechism of M. Daniel de Superville, of 
Rotterdam. The girls were also taught to sew, and all the 
children were required to attend each of the four French 
Churches in turn on successive Sundays. The children were 
clothed by the Society at first in blue, afterwards changed to 
brown, perhaps because blue was already the distinctive colour 
of King Charles's Hospital in Oxmantown. The boys had 
brown cloth coats and waistcoats with brass buttons, leather 
breeches with brass buckles at the knee, and brass buckles in 
their shoes. The number of school children increased from nine 
in 1723 to thirty in 1727, and on an average five children 
were apprenticed in each year during this period. In 1732 it 
was resolved to build a school at a cost not exceeding 150/. 
on land given rent free by M. La Touche. The site of the 
school appears to have been in Myler's Alley, which has 
recently disappeared in the clearance of the ground occupied 
by St. Patrick's Park. In 1736 it was determined to maintain 
for the future six boarders, for whom three beds were pro- 
vided, and six day boys. The children were to attend alter- 
nately at St. Patrick's and at the Peter Street Church to 
say their catechism. After 1738, however, the children were 
divided into classes for the different Churches. The boarders 
were required to let their hair grow and not to wear wigs, 
and it was solemnly decided that they should be supplied 
with pocket handkerchiefs. Jacques Pelletreau was unani- 
mously elected secretary in 1749, and continued to hold that 
office till 1768, when he became president of the Society. He 
appears to have acted as treasurer from 1749 to 1780. 

It is interesting to find an attempt at technical instruc- 
tion made in 1753 in the school, when three looms were given 
to it by the Linen Board. Two spinning wheels, two cards, 
and a ■ dividoir ' were at the same time bought for the school, 
and a man was employed to teach their use, the school 
building itself being raised to form a workroom at a cost of 
120/. The children were also to be taught to knit, and were 
to be employed in manual work for two hours a day. Up 
till 1770 the children kept up their knowledge, of French and 
of the Hugeunot Psalm tunes, which were taught them by the 



precentor of the Peter Street Church. In that year, however, 
Isaac Dufour, who had come from Lisburn twenty eight years 
before to teach the school, died and was buried at the expense 
of the Society, and a new schoolmaster was advertised for in 
Faulkner's Journal and Saunders' Newsletter. It was at the 
same time decided to take in no more boarders and to limit 
the number of school children to ten. It was found im- 
possible to secure the services of a master who knew both 
English and French at the salary which the Society could 
offer. English being the more important, French had to be 
given up, and the children, who did not now learn French either 
at home or in the school, could no longer attend the French 
services. Dr. Mann's catechism was, therefore, substituted 
for that of M. de Superville and it was arranged that the 
children should attend St. Patrick's Cathedral every Sunday 
morning and the Church of St. Nicholas Without in the 
evening. It was pointed out to objectors by M. Pellerreau 
that persons * unies et incorporees avec des families anglaises' 
could not be expected to prefer another form of worship which 
they did not so well understand and which they would have 
to support. The treasurership of the Society was handed 
over in 1780 by M. Pelletreau to his son-in-law, Francois 
Bessonet, who in turn handed it on in 1788 to Isaac Subre- 
mont, who held it till 1809, when he was succeeded by M. Du 
Moulin. The last charity sermon for the Society appears to 
have been preached in the French Church of St. Patrick by 
Jean Letablere in 1813. The actual keeping of a school as 
distinct from payments for schooling appears to have ceased 
in 1822. In this year Francois Bessonet, the son or the 
Minister, succeeded M. Du Moulin as treasurer of the School 
Fund, M. Du Moulin acting as one of the treasurers of the 
Poor Fund of the French Church of St. Patrick till 1829. 
On May 21 in that year the following memorandum appears 
at the foot of the school accounts : ' From the circumstances 
of the resignation of Messrs. Du Moulin and Le Bas as 
treasurers of the Poor Fund of the French Church of St. 
Patrick and the impracticability of obtaining any one of 
the remaining elders to fulfil the appointment, it has been 


deemed the most eligible plan to transfer the receipts and 
disbursements applicable to the poor to the account of the 
School Fund and thus make a general account of the entire, 
by which arrangement the business will be simplified and 
the individual acting as treasurer eased from the trouble and 
difficulty of keeping separate accounts.' The Society thus 
ceased to exist, and its funds merged in those in the hands 
of the representatives of the French Church of St. Patrick. 

One other Charitable Society deserves to be mentioned. 
The last emigration from Languedoc in 1751 was directed 
towards Ireland, 1 and a great number of refugees who then 
came over took the oaths in the Court of Exchequer on 
July 24, 17 52, 2 in order to naturalise themselves. A Society 
called 'La Societe pour les Protestants refugiez ' was formed 
to assist the refugees on arrival. Among the contributors, 
besides the Ministers and prominent members of the French 
Churches in Dublin, were included the Archbishop of Dublin, 
the Earl of Grandison, the Earl of Chesterfield, the Bishops 
of Cloyne, Ossory, and Waterford, Dean Alcock, and Archdeacon 
Congreve. The Chancellor, Lord Newport, also interested 
himself in the case of these refugees. The principal object 
of this Society was to assist the attempt to found a silk- 
making and silk-weaving ^colony at Innishannon in the 
County of Cork. 3 Some sixteen years' experience having 
proved the climate unsuitable, the Society was wound up, and 
the balance in hand, amounting to about 250Z., was equally 
divided between the two French congregations. 

The French Church of St. Patrick, 1730-1817.* 

It has already been mentioned that Pascal Ducasse died in 
1730, Amaury Philippe Fleury in 1734, and Abraham Viridet 
in 1738, while Dr. De St. Paul resigned in 1735 and Antoine 
Fleury in 1736. On October 17, 1735, Louis Jean Scofiier, a 
proposant at Middelburg, was called to take the place of 
Dr. de St. Paul, and was sent the usual sum of 201. for his 
journey from the Netherlands. 

1 Schickler, Essai sur les Eglises du Refuge. - Dublin Gazette. 

8 Hiig. Soc. Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 431. 



Louis Jean Scoffier was born in London (where his father, 
Claude Scoffier, 1 had been Minister at the Church de V Artillerie 
and also at La Patente, Spitalfields, where he officiated up to 
1723, moving to Middelburg in 1724). He was licensed curate 
of the French Church of St. Patrick on March 2, 1736, and 
ordained priest in St. Patrick's Cathedral by Dr. Henry Maule, 
Bishop of Dromore, on October 31, 17 36. 2 He married Antonia 
(Toinette), daughter of Captain Isaac Beloc, in 1741, and 
continued in the service of the Church until his death in 
1781, at the age of seventy.' Antoine Fleury was succeeded 
by Jean Pierre Droz, a native of Neufchatel, who was ordained 
deacon in the Chapel Boyal, St. James's, on December 22, 

1734, and priest in St. Paul's Cathedral on September 21, 

1735, by Edmund Gibson, Bishop of London. He was 
licensed to the French Church of St. Patrick by the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin on May 10, 1737, and died in the service 
of that Church in November 1751. On April 22, 1737, he 
married in the French Church of St. Patrick Marguerite 
Boileau de Castelnau, who survived him, and died in 1778, at 
the age of sixty-eight. They had ten children. One son 
returned from India in 1787 and gave 21. 2s. to the poor of 
the Church. M. • Droz kept a bookseller's shop in College 
Green, and published a ' Literary Journal,' which was con- 
tinued by M. Des Voeux, the Minister of the Peter Street 

The vacant place of fourth Minister was filled by the 
appointment of Charles Louis de Villette, who was called on 
September 8 and licensed on December 17, 1737. He was the 
son of a refugee from Burgundy, and was born at Lausanne 
in 1688. He had been in Ireland for many years, having 
been Minister at Carlow 3 from 1723, if not longer, and he had 
also been appointed to the living of Kilruane, in the Diocese of 
Killaloe, in 1726. He was twice married, first to Marguerite 
Besnardon, who died on February 24, 1773, aged 75 ; and, 
secondly, on June 22, 1773, to Julia Blosset. He was at the 
time of his second marriage living in Digges Street. He was, 

Burn, p. 161. 2 Dublin Gazette. 

8 Hibemice Notitia. 



according to Smiles, the author of several religious works, and 
died on February 11, 1783, at the age of 95. 

Alexandre de Susy Boan died in 1741, but his place was 
not filled, and the three Ministers, Louis Jean Scoffier, Jean 
Pierre Droz, and Charles Louis de Yillette, carried on the 
services of the Church from 1741-51, their salaries being 
raised to 85/. per annum. On the death of Jean Pierre Droz 
in November 1751 it was resolved, after discussion, to fill his 
place. A call was accordingly addressed on January 1, 1752, 
to Daniel Beaufort, who appears for the first time as 
Moderator of the Consistory on March 1 following. 

Daniel Cornelius Beaufort 1 was born in 1700 at Wesel, in 
the Duchy of Cleves, and was the son of Francois de Beaufort 
and Louisa his wife. He was educated at Utrecht, and is said 
to have come to England in the reign of George II. He 
appears as officiating at the Church of La Patente, Spital- 
fields, on June 16, 1728, and served in several of the French 
Churches in London during the next fifteen years, marrying in 
1735, at St. Martin Orgars, Esther Gougeon. He was natura- 
lised by Act of Parliament in 1742, and is said to have come 
to Dublin in 1743 as chaplain to the Duke of Devonshire, the 
then Lord Lieutenant, who returned to Ireland in September 
of that year after an absence of nineteen months. He was 
appointed Yicar of Athlumney and Donaghmore and Rector 
of Navan and Ardsallagh in 1747, Provost of Tuam in 1753, 
and Rector of Clonenagh and Clonaheen in 1758, when he 
gave up his post in the French Church. He resigned the 
Rectory of Navan in favour of his son Daniel Augustus Beau- 
fort (the compiler of Beaufort's Ecclesiastical Map of Ireland) 
in 1765, and died at Mountrath in 1788. He was the author 
of 4 A Short Account of the Doctrines and Practices of the 
Church of Rome.' His salary was at first 607., but was after- 
wards raised to Sol. to put him on an equality with the other 
Ministers. He was . succeeded in the French Church by 
Jacques Pelletreau, who had previously been Minister of the 
Peter Street and Lucy Lane Churches. The particulars of 
his life are given in connection with his appointment to those 

1 Agnew, vol. ii. pp. 81, 107. 
VOL. VIII. — NO. I. K 



The date of M. Pelletreau's transfer from Peter Street to 
St. Patrick's may be said to mark the commencement of the 
final stage in the history of the Refugee Churches in Dublin. 
After the sudden influx of refugees in 1751-2, the immigration 
appears to have almost wholly ceased. The children and 
grandchildren of those who had come over in the days of 
William and Mary or Queen Anne were rapidly merging in 
the general population. They spoke English, and had given 
up their hopes of returning to France. The French Churches 
gradually ceased to be the regular places of worship for most 
of the Huguenot families, though still maintained by them as 
a memorial of the past and for the distribution of charity to 
their poorer brethren. The Poor Funds of the Churches were 
principally devoted to the payment of weekly doles to the poor 
members of the congregations, and at first it was only by the 
exercise of great care and a strict limitation of their charities 
to their own poor that the Churches had been able to meet the 
calls made on their funds for this purpose. These funds, 
which were derived from collections in the poor boxes, from 
legacies, and from a practice, adopted alike by the Conformed 
and the Nonconformist Consistory, of receiving capital sums 
in consideration of annuities to be paid to the donors, ulti- 
mately accumulated to a very considerable amount. In the 
case of the French Church of St. Patrick, securities to the 
value of 2,651Z. were in 1760 vested in Jacques Pelletreau as 
treasurer of the Church, and the fund thus created is still 
administered for the benefit of poor persons of Huguenot 

Two benefactors may be mentioned as forming a connect- 
ing link with a well-known Huguenot family — namely, Mary, 
the widow of Peter Drelincourt, Dean of Armagh and son of 
the celebrated Charles Drelincourt, who gave to the Con- 
formed Church a rent-charge on certain lands in the County of 
Down, and Anne, Viscountess Primrose, her daughter, who 
gave 201. to the French Charity School, and wrote to M. Pelle- 
treau from Old Windsor Street on October 3, 1762, as follows : 

' The shining virtues of my grandfather (who, I may say, 
left in my father a son worthy of him) will always give me a 



sincere pleasure in thinking I am descended from him as well 
as a right to reckon myself French. As such, all those good 
people who have left their country for the testimony of a good 
conscience have a just claim to the little I can do for them. 
To be remembered in their prayers is surely reward enough.' 

It may seem strange that the congregation should select a 
Minister who had only been two years in their service as their 
treasurer, but M. Pelletreaivs character as a Minister of the 
Peter Street Church, and as the moving spirit of the Societe 
Charitable since 1749, were well known. Moreover, one of 
his colleagues was infirm and the other impecunious. The 
financial affairs of the Church were, therefore, largely con- 
ducted by him until his death in 1781, and his services were 
recognised by the presentation of a piece of plate in 1770. 
During his management the salaries of the Ministers were 
raised in 1767 to 100/. each, and as an old Minister of the 
Peter Street Church he was instrumental on several occasions 
in inducing the two Churches to join in works of charity. 
It was during this period also that the Church became posses- 
sed, under the will of Paul Chastel, of the two houses in Truck 
Street, otherwise Brabazon Street, which are still held by its 

On July 2, 1775, the services of the Church were reduced, 
notre troupeau etant forte diminue. On April 14 following, 
the evening services being almost deserted were discontinued, 
and on October 19, 1777, it was resolved not to hold any 
week-day services between Michaelmas and Easter save on 
certain festivals. In July 1778 Jean Lescure, Ministre 
Anglois, was engaged as reader on account of the age and 
infirmity of the Ministers, and discharged the duty for six 
months, when he resigned, and was succeeded by Francois 
Bessonet, Minister of the Peter Street Church; Isaac 
Subremont, the other Minister of that Church, also gave his 
assistance. The name of Jean Lescure does not appear in 
the Piegisters of the Church, and, as he was only temporarily 
employed, I have not made any researches into his previous 
or subsequent career. . Of Francois Bessonet I have told what 



I know in connection with his appointment to the Noncon- 
formist Church in 1771. 

As has already been mentioned, M. Scoffier and M. Pelle- 
treau died in 1781 and M. de Yillette in 1783. M. Bessonet 
succeeded M. Scoffier, and the other places were not filled. He 
also succeeded M. Pelletreau, his father-in-law, as treasurer, 
and on the death of M. de Yillette his salary was raised to 
150?., subsequently increased to 175?. As treasurer M. 
Bessonet had a weakness for buying lottery tickets, which 
seem to have been invariably drawn blank. Otherwise he 
was a prudent manager, and in his first year of office negoti- 
ated a shrewd bargain whereby the Consistory granted the 
use of their Church to the congregation of St. Nicholas 
Without at 30/. for a year while their own place of worship in 
the north aisle of the Cathedral was being repaired. This 
grant was renewed in 1806 at the reduced rent of 20/. In 
April 1781 the Church suffered, as it had done more than once 
before, from an inundation due no doubt to some defect or 
obstruction in the water- course of the River Poddle, an off- 
take of the Dodder, which flows close by the Cathedral, and 
has caused trouble even in recent years. The water flooded 
the Cathedral, and burst into the French Church with such 
violence that it broke all the seats in the middle of the 
Church, so that it became necessary to make a new floor and 
carry out a number of repairs quite beyond the means of the 
congregation. Subscriptions were raised for the purpose, but 
in the meantime some of the Poor Fund had to be diverted 
from its proper object, and with a view of meeting the wants 
of the poor in the most economical way an almshouse was 
opened, where they were furnished with rooms, clothes, and 
fuel. For this purpose a house in Liberty Lane, off Kevin 
Street, was taken for thirty-one years at a yearly rent of 10/. 
After the expiration of the lease, at a date which cannot now 
be ascertained with precision, the almshouse was transferred 
to Myler's Alley. It seems not improbable that when the 
French school was closed in 1822 the school buildings were 
converted into an almshouse. The house in Myler's Alley 
was finally pulled down and the materials sold in 1853. 



M. Bessonet's health had not been good for some time. 
In 1783 he was absent for three months in Switzerland, 
and in 1788 he obtained leave from the Lord Lieutenant and 
the Consistory to revisit his native country in the hope of 
recovering his health. M. Justin de Montcenis, who had 
been ordained priest at Cloyne on September 29, 1786, 1 was 
appointed to act for him in his absence. M. Bessonet 
returned to Dublin, but did not apparently resume duty, and 
died on August 17, 1790, when M. de Montcenis was appointed 
in his place. On M. de Montcenis's death in 1795 he was 
succeeded by Jean Letablere, the grandson of Rene de la 
Douespe Letablere, who was an ensign in Du Cambon's 
Regiment, which fought at the Battle of the Boyne, and 
Susanne Marie Theroude his wife. Rene's son Daniel 
Letablere was born in Dublin in 1709, and was educated by 
Dr. de St. Paul ; he entered Trinity College, Dublin, in 1725, 
and took his degrees of B.A. in 1731, M.A. in 1734, and D.D. 
1748. He was appointed Vicar of Larabryen in 1742, Rector 
of Rathangan and Prebendary of Kildare in 1749, and Pre- 
bendary of St. Patrick's and Dean of Tuani in 1759. He was 
twice married, first in 1749 to Madeleine Vareilles, and 
secondly in 1760 to Blanche Jourdan, both his wives being 
members of Huguenot ' families, and died in 1775. Dean 
Letablere's daughter Charlotte married Edward Litton in 1783. 
His son Jean won a scholarship in Trinity College, Dublin, in 
1771, and took his degrees of B.A. in 1773 and M.A. in 1776. 
He appears in the Consistory Book of the French Church of 
St. Patrick as curate of St. Nicholas Without in 1781. 

The Consistory Books after 1788 are irregularly kept, but 
it would appear from the accounts that the last service in 
the Church was held on Christmas Day 1817. Richard 
Espinasse and Francois Bessonet, the son of the Minister, 
treasurers of the funds of the French Church of St. Patrick, 
met on January 1, 1833, and noted the fact that ' that once 
numerous congregation of respectable men is now, alas S 
represented by the above two functionaries.' 

1 Brady, Records of Cork, vol, iii, p. 224. 



The Peter Street and Lucy Lane Churches, 

The Peter Street Church had been closed nearly four 
years before the French Church of St. Patrick. . Taking up 
the history of the united churches of Peter Street and Lucy 
Lane from the date where the Registers break off in 1731, a 
difficulty at once arises from the destruction or disappearance 
of the Church Records for the next twenty-eight years. The 
Ministers in office in 1731 were Jean de Durand, Paul de St. 
Ferreol, Gaspar Caillard, and Jacob Pallard. 

In September 1735 M. Baby, whose Christian name is not 
mentioned, and Antoine Yinchon Des Vceux were called from 
Holland, 1 and these two Ministers, with Paul de St. Ferreol 
and Gaspar Caillard, were the preachers at Lucy Lane in 
1736-7. Jean de Durand was an active member of the 
Societe Charitable up to April 1743, and appears to have 
retained his office of Minister up to his death in the beginning 
of 1744. Jacob Pallard is, therefore, the only Minister who 
could have created a vacancy in 1735, and it would appear 
that there were once more for a while five Ministers of the 
Nonconformist Churches. Of M. Baby we know nothing, save 
that he came from Holland, and that he joined the Societe 
Charitable in 1736 and preached for it in 1737. As Jacques 
Pelletreau joined the Societe Charitable in March 1739, it 
may be assumed that he was then connected with the Peter 
Street congregation, and, if so, he must have taken the place 
of M. Baby. Gaspar Caillard 2 resigned on appointment to 
Portarlington in February 1740, leaving the Church with four 
Ministers, Jean de Durand, Paul de St. Ferreol, Antoine Des 
Vceux, and Jacques Pelletreau. 

Antoine Yinchon Des Vceux was the son of De Bacquen- 
court, President of the Parliament of Rouen, and had been a 
Roman Catholic and a zealous Jansenist. As a convert he 
was the author of numerous works: (1) 'Defense de la 
Religion Reformee ' (Amsterdam 1736) ; the 1 Consistory of 
the Peter Street and Lucy Lane Churches subscribed for fifty 

1 Dr. Caulfield's Kotes, 

2 Hug. Sec. Proceedings, vol. Ui. p. 17. 



copies of this work. (*2) ' Critique generale du Livre de M. 
de Montgeron sur les miracles de M. l'Abbe de Paris ' (1740). 
(3) A volume of sermons (Dublin 1746), including one ' sur 
la veritable patrie des Francois refugies.' (4) 6 A Commentary 
on the Book of Ecclesiastes ' (London, 1762). He proposed in 
1746 to translate from the French and publish by subscription 
the ' Life of Julian the Apostate,' but I am not aware whether 
anything came of the proposal. He also continued the 
* Literary Journal ' of M. Droz after the death of the latter. 1 
In November 1742 he received a commission as chaplain of 
his Majesty's Regiment of Carbineers, of which Lord George 
Sackvilh became Colonel in 1750. He was, however, per- 
mitted to remain quietly in Dublin till 1760, when he was 
ordered to rejoin his regiment in Germany forthwith. Possibly 
Lord George Sackville's disgrace may have suggested inquiry 
and reform. Antoine Des Vceux appears to have been three 
times married, first in 1736 to Marie Louise Quergroode de 
Challais, secondly in 1739 to Charlotte D'Exoudun — a girl of 
seventeen, who was the daughter of Captain Josue Du Fay 
D'Exoudun, a native of Niort in Poitou, who had served in 
Miremont's Regiment of Dragoons in Ireland and Flanders, 
and Marie Des Vignolles his wife — and thirdly in 1770 to 
Hannah Pain, who survived him. He succeeded Gaspar 
Caillard in 1767 as Minister at Portarlington, where he died 
in 1793. Though eminent among the Refugee Ministers for 
his learning and respected by his congregation, M. Des Vceux 
proved himself so intractable a colleague that on his departure 
in 17 60 no one would accept a call from the Nonconformist 
Church until it was definitely settled that he was not to 

Jacques Pelletreau was born in London about the year 
1712, and was the son of Daniel Pelletreau (who subsequently 
settled in Dublin and became an elder of the French Church 
of St. Patrick, and died in 1738) and Marianne, nee Beshafer 
de Champagne, his wife, who died in 1759 at the age of eighty. 
Jacques Pelletreau was educated in Dublin by Henri Lafont, 
and entered Trinity College in 1727, took his B.A. degree in 
1 Madden, History of Irish Periodical Literature, vol. i. p. 288. 



1733 and his M.A. in 1736, and was ordained deacon at 
St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, on October 31, 1736. As 
already stated, he appears to have become a Minister of the 
Peter Street and Lucy Lane Churches about 1739, and married 
Susanne Olimpe Janure de la Bouchetiere, third daughter of 
Colonel Charles Janure de la Bouchetiere, a veteran of King 
William's Army, who had served in Lord Galway's Regiment 
of Horse, and Marianne Falaiseau, of Paris, his wife. They 
had two daughters, Susanne, wife of Francois Bessonet, who, 
like his father-in-law, was a Minister, first of the Noncon- 
formist, and afterwards of the Conformed French Church 
in Dublin, and Marianne. Jacques Pelletreau accepted a call to 
the French Church of St. Patrick in 1758, and died in 1781. 
His wife, who was some years his senior, having been born in 
1705, survived him till 1788. An active man of business, 
M. Pelletreau during his forty years' service did perhaps more 
than anyone else to maintain the French Churches of Dublin 
and their charities. 

On May 11, 1742, Louis Ostervald preached for the 
first time in Lucy Lane Church. He was a native of Neuf- 
chatel, and had apparently been called to fill the place of 
fifth Minister, possibly on account of the age and infirmity of 
Jean de Durand, who had served the Church for nearly forty 
years and was approaching the end of his days. The copy of 
Jean Frederic Ostervald's folio Bible (Geneva, 1744), which 
was used in Peter Street Church and is now in the Public 
Record Office of Ireland, was probably obtained through him. 
He died in Dublin in 1753. 

Jean de Durand died in 1744, and his place was not filled. 

On February 5, 1755, Paul de St. Ferreol died at his house 
in Clarendon Street. 1 

In 1758 Jacques Pelletreau transferred his services to 
the French Church of St. Patrick, and in 1760 Antoine Des 
Yoeux left to rejoin his regiment in Germany. 

The Peter Street and Lucy Lane Churches were thus left 
without a Minister, and were obliged to appeal to the Ministers 
and Consistory of the Conformed congregation for assistance, 
which was gladly given. 

1 Dublin Gcuette. 



M. Des Vceux had been strongly opposed to the appoint- 
ment of a, second Minister, and M» Pelletreau, who presided 
at the meetings of the Consistory during the vacancy, took 
the same view. The Consistory, nevertheless, determined to 
appoint two Ministers, and addressed calls to Pierre Samuel 
Hobler, of Morges, in Switzerland, and Isaac Subremont, of 
Amsterdam, the latter being engaged to preach fortnightly in 
each Church, the sermon preached in one Church to be re- 
peated next week in the other. On September 5, 1760, 
these two Ministers took up their duties. M. Subremont 
received the usual allowance of 20/. for his journey, while 
M. Hobler got 13/. 13.9. more. M. Hobler died in August 

1765. M. Subremont, on the other hand, served the Church 
for fifty-four years, becoming sole Minister in 1784 at a salary 
of 140/., and continuing to hold that office until his death 
on February 19, 1814, when the services ceased. Dr. 
Caulfield has recorded the tradition of his good looks. He 
married in 1761 Elizabeth Ballange, who died in 1824. 
They had at least one son, Peter Benjamin, who married 
Anne Douglass in 1796, and one daughter, who married 
Thomas Daniell in 1788. During the twenty-five years which 
elapsed before he became sole Minister, M. Subremont had 
four colleagues in succession. Pierre Samuel Hobler, who 
died, as stated above, in 1765, Louis Campredon, Francois 
Bessonet, and Francois Campredon. 

On M. Hobler's death, M. Subremont wrote to Louis de 
la Chaumette, Pasteur of the Church de V Artillerie in London, 
for his assistance in filling the vacancy. Louis Campredon 
offered himself for the post, and took up the duties in March 

1766. In the following year he expressed his intention of 
taking Anglican Orders, but declared that this would not 
make any change as to the exercise of his ministry in the 
Church. During his term of office the salary of the Ministers 
was raised first to 85/. and then to 100/. per annum. In 1770 
both the Ministers became ill, and M. Campredon resigned, 
recommending M. Dugas, Pasteur of the Churches of Saint- 
onge, as his successor. M. Campredon was asked to write to 
M. Dugas, who could reply under cover to M. Du Bedat, the 



Secretary to the Consistory, afin cCeviter le risque qu'on 
court en France en adressant des lettres a un Minis tre 
Stranger. M. Dugas apparently could not accept, and M. 
Subremont was instructed to write to the professors of the 
Academy at Lausanne to ask them to recommend a suitable 
person. On their recommendation a call was addressed to 
Francois Bessonet, a native of Nybn, in Switzerland, lately 
received into the ministry. Francois Bessonet took up his 
duties on February 7, 1771. Like M. CampredDn, he 
soon determined to take Anglican Orders, and was ordained 
deacon in St. Kevin's Church, Dublin, 1 by Dr. Jemmet 
Browne, Bishop of Elphin, on February 2, 1774. On August 
16, 1776, he married, as already mentioned, Susanne, 
daughter of Jacques Pelletreau. They had two daughters 
and two sons, Jacques Henri Etienne, born July 11, 1780, 
who married in 1808 Margaret Man gin, and Francois Charles 
Joseph, born February 1, 1785, who became a well-known 
official in Dublin Castle and took an active part in the 
administration of the charitable funds of the French Church 
of St. Patrick. Francois Bessonet, the elder, was appointed 
to the French Church of St. Patrick, as has been mentioned, 
in 1781, became sole Minister in 1783, and died in 1790. He 
had been granted the degree of LL.D. of Dublin University 
Honoris causa in 1785. His widow died in 1818 at the age 
of seventy. 

On M. Bessonet's appointment to the French Church of 
St. Patrick, a call was addressed to Francois Campredon, of 
London, nephew of the late Louis Campredon. He arrived 
in June 1781, and three years later had to obtain leave of 
absence owing to ill-health, and died on November 11, 1784, 
when it was resolved to have only one Minister for the future. 
During M. Subremont's term of office the Church gradually 
declined. The last of the Refugees noted as coming from 
France was Elie Tardy, who arrived in 1767 with a certificat 
de vie et de mceurs sign? par M. Dugas, pasteur au desert. 
In February 1773 Lucy Lane Church was sold to the Pres- 
byterian congregation of Skinners' Alley, who held it for the 

1 Dublin Gazette. 



next fifty years, and its organ and plate were subsequently 
disposed of for 22/. 10s. and 151. Os. respectively. In 
1802 the old Ormonde Bridge, which started from the end of 
Charles Street, fell down, and the present Eichmond Bridge, 
starting opposite Lucy Lane, was built to replace it, and was 
opened in 1816. The attention of the Wide Street Com- 
missioners was soon called to the desirability of improving 
the approaches to the bridge, and at the same time it was 
found that the Church and the neighbouring houses endan- 
gered the new record depositories in the Four Courts on which 
they abutted. The Record Commissioners and the Benchers 
of the King's Inns took the matter up, with the result that the 
Church was pulled down about the year 1825 by the Wide 
Street Commissioners. In 1801, vie le declin de noire eglise, 
it was decided that from October 1 to April 1 service should 
only be held on the first Sunday in the month. In 1806, 
comme notre troupeau est presque annihile et qu'il ne vient 
que tres rarement quelqu'un a V eglise, it was resolved to 
close the Church altogether, except on the days fixed for 
Communion, and on the death of M. Subremont in 181 4 the 
services finally ceased. The efforts which were made in 1815, 
and again in 1828, to revive them did not meet with any 

The services of both Churches had, therefore, entirely ceased 
by the end of 1817. Lucy Lane Church was pulled down about 
1825, as mentioned above, and Peter Street Church before 
1840, when the existing mortuary Chapel was erected on its 
site, so that the Lady Chapel of St. Patrick's Cathedral is the 
only building still standing in Dublin in which our Huguenot 
ancestors held their services. 

The churchyards, however, continued in use for many 
years. That in Cathedral Lane has been practically closed, 
according to Dr. La Touche, since 1858 ; the last entry of an 
interment in Peter Street Cemetery is" in 1879 ; while a burial 
actually took place in Merrion Pvow in 1901. Special clauses 
for the protection of these burial grounds were inserted in the 
Burial Grounds (Ireland) Act, 1856, and the Public Health 
(Ireland) Act, 1878, and they now constitute the only visible 
memorial of the Huguenot Colony in Dublin. 




Vol. VIII. No. 2 

VOL. THI. — NO. H. 





Wednesday, November S, 1905. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting, held on May 10, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Mrs. Edmund -Campbell, 47 Ebury Street, S.W. 

Hugh Charles Sowerby Dumas, Esq., 1 Dr. Johnson's Build- 
ings, Temple, E.C. 

Charles E. Dupuis, Esq., Inspector-General of Irrigation for 
the Sudan, Khartoum. 

Thomas Gambier, Esq., M.D., Eversfield Hospital, St. 

Bichard Arthur Austen Leigh, Esq., 5 New Street Square, E.C. 

Arthur A. Rambaut, Esq., M..A., D.Sc, F.R.S., F.R.A.S., 
Radcliffe Observer, Oxford. 

Colonel John Henry Rivett-Carnac, CLE., F.S.A., A.D.C., 
Chateau de Rougemont, Switzerland. 

The Rev. Wilfrid Bernard Vaillant, St. Cross, Weybridge. 

A Paper was read by Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., F.S.A., on 
' William Seguier, First Keeper of the National Gallery.' 






Wednesday, January 10, 1906. 

Sir William W. Portal, Bart., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on November 8, 1905, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

William W r ickham Bertrand, Esq., St. Clement's, Walton, 

Mrs. Parker, Trelawny's Cottage, Sompting, Worthing. 
The Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y., United States. 

A Paper was read by Dr. William A. Shaw on ' La France 
Protestante ; Remarks on the great Biographical Dictionary 
by MM. Haag, with suggestions for the completion of the 
enlarged edition.' 





Wednesday, March 14, 1906. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on January 10 were read 
. and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

James Curtis, Esq., F.S.A., Glenburn, Worcester Road, 
Sutton, Surrey. 

Major Frederick Grey Faber, 126 Gloucester Terrace, Hyde 
Park, W. 

Miss Mary Heudebourck Hine Frean, 20 Henrietta Street, 

Cecil Henry Arthur Le Bas, Esq., Charterhouse, E.C. 

Major Richard Chamberlin Luard, The Cottage, Hambleden, 

Alfred Lussignea, Esq., Brockhill, Lansdowne Road, South 

Woodford, N.E. 
Evelyn Riviere, Esq., 82 Finchley Road, N.W. 
The Royal Museum and Public Library, Canterbury. 

Samuel Macauley Jackson, Esq., Lecturer on Church History 
in the University of New York, 692 West End Avenue, 
New York ; 

Sir Henry Churchill Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B., F.S.A., Deputy- 
Keeper of the Public Records, 3 Portman Square, W., 
were elected Honorary Fellows. 

A Lecture was given by Dr. T. Miller Maguire on 
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Wednesday, May 9, 1906. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on March 14 were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

James Moullin Laine, Esq., M.A., B.C.L., 100 Inverness 
Terrace, W. 

Ernest B. Yignoles, Esq., 27 Eidgmount Gardens, Chenies 
Street, W.C. 

The New England Historic Genealogical Society, Boston, 
Mass., United States. 

The Annual Report of the Council was read as follows : 

Beport of the Council to the Twenty-second Annual General 
Meeting of the Huguenot Society of London. 

The Council regret to have to report the death of ten 
Fellows and the withdrawal of three during the past year, 
making a total loss of thirteen.. This compares favourably, 
however, with the loss of twenty-one in the year preceding, 



and leaves a total on the list to-day of 378. The number of 
new Fellows elected has been twenty-two. 

Among the losses are three of the original Fellows, and in 
addition to these there has also passed away one of the earliest 
Honorary Fellows, Pasteur E. Arnaud, the distinguished 
author of many standard works on the history of the 
Huguenots of Southern France. 

It may be interesting to note that at this, the completion 
of the Society's twenty-first year, 309 of the Fellows are 
resident in the United Kingdom, eleven in India and the 
Colonies, and twenty-four in foreign countries. There are 
also thirty-three public libraries on the List and sixteen 
Honorary Fellows. Of the forty-six original Founders of the 
Society present at the inaugural meeting held on April 15, 
1885, there are still twenty-nine surviving. 

The Treasurer's accompanying balance-sheet shows an 
income for the year 1905 of 5611. Is. Id., and an expenditure 
of 2921. Is. 5d. Deducting also the amount of 221/. invested 
and placed on deposit, there remained a balance at the 
bankers on December 31 of 53Z. 19s. Sd. 

There is also a sum of 974?. 175, 3d. invested in 2J per 
Cent. Consols, and 113?. 8s. -id. in the same as a temporary 
investment ; also 300/. on deposit and 100/. on special 

The Society's thanks are . due to the Treasurer and 
Auditors for their careful attention to the accounts, and to 
Messrs. Nasmith and Shephard for their continued kindness 
in acting as honorary brokers. 

Since the last Annual Meeting there have been issued the 
Colchester Dutch Church Register, edited by the late Mr. 
Moens and by Mr. Waller ; the concluding number of the 
7th volume of Proceedings, and the first number of the 8th 

The third volume of the Threadneedle Street Register..', 
edited by Mr. T. C. Colyer-Fergusson, is expected to be issued 
by the end of the present month. 

The last part of the Returns of Aliens and the index 
to the entire work are now all but completed ; the Letters of 



Denization and Acts of Naturalization from 1603 to 1S02 
are in the press ; and the transcripts of the Portarlington, 
Bristol, and Plymouth Registers are nearly finished. 

The usual friendly relations have been maintained with 
the sister-societies on the Continent and in America, and 
publications have been regularly exchanged with them. 

The ballot was taken for the Officers and Council for the 
ensuing year, with the following result : 

Officers and Council for the year May 1906 to May 1907. 
President — William Mmet, F.S.A. 

Vice-Presidents — The Eight Hon. the Earl of Radnor ; 
Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; Robert Hovenden, F.S.A. ; 
Sir William Wyndham Portal, Bart., F.S.A. 

Treasurer — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary — Reginald Stanley Faber, F.S.A. 

Members of Council— Lieut. Henry T. A. Bosanquet, 
R.N.; Lieut.-General Stephen Chamier, C.B., R.A. ; T. C. 
Colyer-Fergusson ; Arthur William Crawley-Boevey ; Henry 
Gervis, M.D., F.R.C.P., F.S.A. ; Major H. S. Jeudwine, 
R.A. ; Edward Heathcote Lefroy ; Richard Arthur Austen 
Leigh ; E. Sydney Luard ; the Rev. G. W. W. Minns, 
F.S.A.; Joseph Henry Philpot, MJ)., M.R.C.P. ; Allan 
Ogier Ward, M.D., M.R.C.S. 

The President then read his Address as follows : 






By WILLIAM MINET, F.S.A., President. 

An old precedent here, as in kindred societies, bids us at 
one meeting in every year pause from our usual procedure, 
and turn to the events of the past twelvemonth and the 
present position of the Society. And here our first duty is to 
hold in pious memory those no longer with us. 

I ha^e to chronicle the loss by death during the year of 
ten Fellows, of whom three were of the first Founders, and of 
one Honorary Fellow. Of these we could ill afford to spare 
any, and I linger for a moment on the memory of some. 

Henry Merceron, an original Fellow, had not only been 
with us for one-and-twenty years, but a nine years' member- 
ship of the Council had specially endeared him to all those 
who had thus been brought into more immediate contact with 
him. Constantly present at our meetings, he brought with 
him that power of cheerful common-sense which strengthened 
decision in many a doubtful case. 

Henry John Philip Dumas, also an original Fellow, was 
often with us, so long as health permitted. Of an old 
Huguenot stock, well known in the annals of the French 
Hospital, his name lives on there, as well as here, in the., 
person of a worthy son, himself as well known here as he is 
at the French Hospital. 

Another gap in our ranks is caused by the death of Sir 



Wyndham S. Portal. Joining us in 1897, he brought with 
him a rich and ripe experience gained not only as a captain 
of many industries, but also in the exercise of various forms 
of that wise and scientific philanthropy to which we chierly 
look for the improvement of labour conditions. His life was 
already too full when he came to us to permit his adding 
anything to our records, but to his son, now one of our Vice- 
Presidents, we owe a most interesting paper. 

Dr. George William Marshall, through his deep interest 
in the study of heraldry, and his connection with the College 
of Heralds, first as Eouge Croix, then as York Herald, gained 
for himself a world-wide reputation. His membership of the 
Society may be taken as evidence not only of his Huguenot 
descent, but also of his recognition that his own special 
studies found their fitting place among the avowed objects of 
our Society. 

Twenty-nine original Fellows and four of the first 
Honorary Fellows yet remain to-day ; and these, if there be 
any analogy between the life of an individual and that of a 
Society, it is pre-eminently fitting that we should honour in 
this year, when the Huguenot Society of London attains its 

Prominent among them is our last President, to whom the 
inception of the Society was mainly due : to him, as well as 
to his early colleagues, we to-day tender our congratulations, 
both on the foresight which enabled them to realise the need 
there was for such a Society, and on the skill with which, 
in 1885, they sowed the seed and tended its early growth. 

What have the one-and-twenty years brought to us ? In 
answer I could give you statistics as many as the tomes 
which now weigh down your shelves : so many volumes of 
publications, so many numbers of Proceedings, so many 
meetings held, and so on. But, whatever we are, we are not 
a statistical society : and, poor as my effort may be, I prefer 
to gauge your progress by some standard of more alluring 

Endeavouring, then, to rise above a mere roll-call, we 
may, I think, say that the Huguenot Society bears a fourfold 

Is * 



aspect : the historical, the philosophical, the literary, and the 
social. I propose to consider it for a moment under each 
of these. 

First, I take the historical side. TYe endeavour to gather 
from the past, and that before it be too late, the story of our 
forefathers, and to know whence, and when, and why, they 
came hither. And here I have to notice that admirable 
series of Registers, and of other lists of aliens which forms so 
large a part of our publications. To the world at large such 
books fall, perhaps, not far outside the class ' biblia abiblia,' 
but to such of us as delve therein for genealogical purposes 
they are full of a personal and living interest. Nor, in con- 
sidering this branch of our work, must we forget a great task 
which the Society will some day have to undertake, a task for 
which these lists and registers form the necessary foundation. 
The material is not yet fully ready ; but, when all the avail- 
able lists and registers in the country have been published, 
we shall have to group and co-ordinate the historical and 
genealogical material which they contain. A general index to 
them will have to be prepared, and from the extraneous 
matter which so many of them embody it will become possible 
to draw up tables of the utmost value. I have myself 
endeavoured to do this on a small scale in the introductions to 
two of the Registers : when it comes to be done for all we 
shall have a mass of information on many points of Huguenot 
history ; we shall be able, for example, to come to some fairly 
exact estimate of the total number of refugees, of the districts 
whence they came, where they settled, and their occupations, 
aims, and influence. But even when this is done the work 
will be not yet quite complete. There exist in France a large 
number of Huguenot registers, a knowledge of which would 
be of the greatest value to us. One foreign Register we have 
already published. A beginning has been made privately by 
one of our Fellows, who has special aptitude for the task, 
with others. We cannot see our way at present to undertake 
their publication ; but even now a scheme of mutual advan- 
tage is being discussed, by which his labours will be lightened 
and our advantage secured. 



In Holland the Registers have been indexed : were our own 
and the French completed, as some day they may be, there 
would be but few questions of genealogy which could not be 

Of wider present and general interest is the definite his- 
torical work we have published, partly in complete volumes, 
such as Mr. Cross's History of Canterbury, and Sir Henry 
Layard's Despatches of the Venetian Ambassadors ; partly 
as introductions to various Registers, such as those by Mr. 
Moens on Norwich and Colchester. 

Next we are, or should be, philosophical ; and here I ought 
to define what I mean by philosophy. The history of an event 
is an ordered story of the facts of its happening, while its 
philosophy is concerned with an inquiry into its causes, 
influences, and results, and into its relation to other similar 
happenings, so arranged as to enable us to draw from the 
event its full illuminating power. 

On this side we have not, so far, been very strong ; but, 
as materials accumulate, I feel confident that we shall come to 
see that this part of our work must not be neglected ; and I 
look forward to the day when some brilliant series of papers 
shall sketch for us the true place of the Huguenot movement 
among the various reforms which have helped to guide the 
world into better ways, and estimate how deeply it has influ- 
enced both national and international history. 

More than once have I been tempted to wander into this 
field myself ; you will therefore pardon me if, for one moment, 
I bid you linger on the heights of Pisgah, and gaze on the 
richness of the promised land. 

In every direction the sixteenth century is so much a time 
of enlarged hope and of extended knowledge that it has rightly 
been named a Renaissance. 

Because the pulse of the new spring first touched literature 
and art, so the first revelation of the new birth was backward : 
literature led men to the classics ; art led them to the East. 

Then, suddenly, the boundaries of the Old World were 
opened wide by the discovery of the New, and the direction of 
the whole movement was changed, as it flashed in on mankind 



that the future was superseding the past. Thus, based on a 
glorious past, and gaining fresh strength from the boundless 
promise of the future, the Renaissance touched every side of 
human life with a double force. That it touched religion we 
Huguenots need not be told ; and religion, by this time well- 
nigh stifled in the wrappings of a conventional sacerdotalism, 
bursts into the liberty and life of the Reformation. 

Seeing how closely the thread of religion is wrought into 
every human tissue, it becomes clear that the Renaissance 
can never be completely understood without reference to the 

It is for us Huguenots, in whose blood run the traditions 
of the Renaissance and the awakening of the Reformation, to 
trace out and treasure their manifold interactions. Consider- 
ations such as these are a part of the philosophy of history, 
and it is in this direction that some of our most valuable work 
will some day be accomplished. 

On the literary side we have, of course, dealt with certain 
literary aspects of the movement as a part of its general 
history ; we are not, however, distinctly literary, if by the term 
we mean to indicate the production of original literary matter. 
It is obvious that literature per se finds but little scope in 
much of the present form of our work ; but in proof that the 
literary spirit is never lost sight of, I may point to the high 
standard which has throughout marked the various communi- 
cations made to us at our meetings. 

Socially we owe more to our Society than we quite recognise. 
Before its institution we were but scattered units in the world, 
units which the centrifugal force of time was inevitably 
tending to fling still more widely asunder. The existence of 
the Society has arrested this tendency, substituting for it the 
centripetal force of common effort. United in a quasi-corpor- 
ation, we have come to know each other personally, and have 
won that power of action which incorporation alone brings. 
Up to 1885 the French Hospital was the only Huguenot 
centre : but round this, owing to the nature of its constitution, 
as well as to the necessary limitation of its objects, but few 
could gather. To the Huguenot Society, catholic in its aims, 



unsectarian in its objects, Huguenots, as our lists of member- 
ship show, have now rallied from the four corners of the globe. 

All, therefore, that has been achieved in the four directions 
I have touched on is due entirely to the fact of our being 
organised into a Society. True, a Society is composed of 
individuals, and the work that it does is but the work of the 
individuals who compose it ; but I may say, and that without 
fear of contradiction, that the individuals who have from time 
to time composed our Society would not, without it, have pro- 
duced a tithe of the result we are now enriched by. 

The fact that we have been organised into a Society has 
supplied those who have given us their work with the means 
of publication : the interest of our members has been roused 
as it never would have been had they remained isolated units ; 
effort has been concentrated, instead of being wasted ; over- 
lapping has been obviated. Much of our work is research 
work, and this our meetings have stimulated and organised 
by bringing workers in the same field to a personal knowledge 
of each other, and of the work that each was doing. In a 
word, the existence of the Huguenot Society has not only 
brought into being, but has systematised, arranged, and 
unified the study of Huguenot history which is its subject- 

Again, and lastly : one more outcome of our existence may 
be claimed as further justifying our foundation. Science is 
international, but as individuals we were unknown outside 
England, while the work which was being done abroad was 
mostly unknown to us. To-day the members of the Huguenot 
Society of London take their place by the side of the Huguenot 
Society of America, of the Societe de l'Histoire du Protes- 
tantisme of France, and of the Walloon Society in Holland. 
And thus one more link of common effort and interest, based 
on a common past, is being forged in that chain w T hich, slowly 
gaining strength, shall one day bind mankind into one 

Surely, then, we may say, on this our one-and-twentieth 
birthday, that Wisdom is justified of her children. The reward 
the founders of the Society sought not for themselves comes 



to them in the spirit and celebration of this day. We 
Huguenots came to this land a folk poor and unknown, but 
with two priceless possessions — character, and the spiritual 
-and historical traditions which clustered round the reasons 
and the manner of our coming. The first lived on, and, I 
may say it without presumption, yet lives on among us : the 
second was becoming more and more dimmed by the mists 
of time. These traditions, themselves not the least of the 
foundations on which character is built, the Huguenot Society 
has made it its chief work to preserve, and they live to-day, 
enshrined in our hearts and on our shelves, to a ' life beyond 



Jl^ifliam £cguicr, jphrjst deeper of tljc Rational 

Communicated by LIONEL CUST, M.Y.O., F.S.A. 

The following little account of William Seguier, who was a 
man of some note in his day, was compiled by his nephew, 
Mr. Frederick Peter Seguier, since deceased, by whom it was 
given to me some few years ago. On reading it through 
again lately, it occurred to me that it might possibly be of 
some interest to the Fellows of our Society and not altogether 
unworthy of a place in our Proceedings, the subject of it 
having been not only a Huguenot, but also connected with 
the National Gallery, the British Institution, and several 
distinguished public men of the time. 

I propose, then, to give you the contents of Mr. Frederick 
Seguier's manuscript, omitting a certain amount of repetition 
in it and making a few slight modifications. 

William Seguier was born in London in 1771, his father 
being David Seguier, a copyist and art-dealer, and his 
mother Elizabeth, nee Thwaites. The family descended from 
Huguenot refugees who had settled in England after the 
Revocation, and who claimed connection with the celebrated 
French lawyers and statesmen of the same name. In the 
early part of the eighteenth century the Seguiers were 
residing in London in the Soho district, and were intensely 
Protestant in their religious opinions. It is related of one of 
them that he would never enter his parish church until after 
the recital of the Confession and Absolution, as he considered 
these savoured too much of Popery. 

About the same time, a Seguier (whose Christian name is 
still unknown) began business as a wholesale manufacturer of 
French chocolate in Soho, and was so successful that he was 

vol. vm. — NO. II. 31 



able to leave his wife a fortune of 100,000?. Another 
Seguier, a brother or cousin of the last-named, also resided 
in Soho and, dying comparatively young, left two children, 
David and Peter, the former of whom became the father of 
William, the subject of this Paper. David was articled to 
his mother's brother, a Yorkshireman, whose business was 
chiefly that of a contractor for Army supplies of various 
kinds. Peter was articled to a sculptor, Pdchard Hayward 
by name, and kept steadily to that profession all his life, 
devoting himself chiefly to works of a monumental character. 
Mr. F. P. -Seguier possessed a medallion profile of David 
Garrick, executed by him in white marble on a dark marble 

The elder brother David ultimately relinquished the trade 
selected for him by his friends, his natural bent being 
towards pursuits wholly different. He first of all tried his 
hand at copying the works of the old masters, and flattered 
himself that he could imitate and reproduce Hobbema's im- 
jpasto by means of a very small sponge ingeniously inserted 
into a handle or stick which he used in place of an ordinary 
brush or pencil. Although an entirely self-taught man, he 
must have possessed some natural taste for art, for he 
appears to have been one of the first who was able to 
appreciate and willing to give good prices for Richard 
Wilson's beautiful landscapes. Among the works of Julius 
Caesar Ibbetson is a small view on the Thames, with a bridge 
in the distance and some cottages and willow-trees on the 
right bank. In the foreground of this picture is a boat with 
two gentlemen seated in it, who appear to be reading. The 
one on the left, facing us, is David Seguier ; he wears the 
cocked hat of the period, and a dark red coat with gilt 
buttons, black knee-breeches, and white silk stockings. The 
gentleman seated further in the boat and partly behind 
Seguier is a M, Battu, a French goldsmith. Mr. Seguier 
believed that this picture was in the collection of Mr. Charles 
Hawkins, of Bignor Park, Sussex. 

David Seguier had a large family. William was the eldest 
son and, as he appeared to show a fondness for art, their 



friend George Morland, who was some eight years his senior, 
offered to give him lessons in painting. The great man's 
instructions were not thrown away, for in a few years 
William Seguier painted some pictures of considerable merit. 
He could put in a stormy March sky almost as well as his 
master, yet, judging from the few examples Mr. Seguier had 
seen, his pictures seem hardly to be characterised by any 
definite style. It is possible that under the direction of his 
father he may have fallen into the error of spending too 
much time in copying works of the old masters ; thus, some 
of his pictures appear to be pasticci, or subjects composed 
from works of different landscape painters. He did not, 
however, exhibit such pictures as original, nor did he ever 
sign them. Mr. F. P. Seguier remembered buying at a 
public sale a landscape of William Seguier of the kind just 
described, and before he left the room a stranger, apparently 
a dealer, said to him, ' I believe, sir, you have just purchased 
a very beautiful little Nasmyth.' Among his original pictures 
may be mentioned a view of Covent Garden Theatre when on 
fire and one of Seven Dials. 

While under Morland's tuition Seguier made a clever 
sketch in water-colours of his brother John. It is very 
Morland-like in style. He also executed a portrait in chalk 
of his brother Frederick, who was for many years in the 
Excise. At a later period he executed some miniatures in 
pencil of his daughters and other members of his family. 

He married a wealthy lady of French extraction, Miss 
Ann Magdalene Clowden, and appears to have virtually given 
up painting as a profession soon after his marriage, and to 
have devoted the whole of his energies to the business study 
of art in general. His labours were not unrequited, and he 
was fortunate in meeting with several well-known amateurs 
who were ready to acknowledge his ability and to entrust him 
vrith the forming of their collections. He was brought to the 
notice of the King, George IV., who employed him in pur- 
chasing and arranging the fine gallery of Dutch and Flemish 
pictures at Buckingham Palace. The King also appointed 
him conservator of the Royal picture galleries, a post which 



he continued to hold under William IV. and Queen Victoria. 
He was frequently summoned to Windsor by George IV., 
where His Majesty would detain him till a late hour, for the 
King really took an interest in art, and cultivated his know- 
ledge in studying books and engravings under Mr. Siguier's 

Among other important collections which William Seguier 
helped to form were Sir Robert Peel's and those of Mr. 
Watson Taylor in Cavendish Square, and also at Eriestoke 
Park, Wiltshire! 1 At the Cavendish Square house were the 
magnificent picture of Mrs. Siddons as the ' Muse of Tragedy/ 
now in the possession of the Duke of Westminster, and 
Rubens' large landscape with the i Rainbow,' now one of the 
chief treasures in the Wallace collection. 

About the year 1820 several amateurs of note and others 
interested in the» fine arts met together to discuss the 
feasibility of founding, with the assistance of Government, a 
National Gallery. William Seguier was invited to aid them 
in their deliberations, which ultimately led to the purchase 
of the Angerstein collection and the formation of our National 
Gallery. General Crutchley, of Sunning Hill Park, possesses 
a picture of consideral historical interest. It is by a painter 
named Wonder, and consists of an interior with several 
portrait figures, probably representing a meeting of the afore- 
said gentlemen in Mr. Angerstein 's house in Pall Mall. Some 
of the studies for this painting are in the National Portrait 
Gallery there ; the portraits include those of Lord Dover, Sir 
Charles Long, afterwards Lord Farnborough, Sir John Murray, 
Mr. Watson Taylor, Sir Abraham Hume, Sir Robert Peel, and 
other leading connoisseurs of the day. William Seguier is 
represented in the picture as standing and holding a docu- 
ment in his hand, as though reading or submitting his views 
to the consideration of the assembly. As soon as the 
National Gallery was established Seguier was appointed its 
first Keeper. 

1 Two views of the Cavendish Square house were painted by St -ruler's 
younger brother John, and a beautiful picture of Eriestoke was painted by 
Clarkson Stanfield. 



It is not certain whether Seguier was consulted in refer- 
ence to the founding of the British Institution in 1805, but 
it was not long before the Directors paid him the compliment 
of making him Superintendent of it, a post which he held for 
many years. 

Siguier's extensive knowledge of the locality of fine pictures 
enabled him to do much to promote the valuable loan exhibi- 
tions of the works of Old Masters or deceased British artists 
held at the Institution during the summer, the winter exhibi- 
tions being confined to works of living artists. His kindly 
interest and exertions also contributed largely to making the 
Institution of use to young artists and students. 

William Seguier was a kind-hearted man, and in his 
prosperity he did not forget his relatives and friends. He 
found employment for his younger brother John, who restored 
the ceiling of the Banqueting-hall, Whitehall, painted by 
Eubens, and also for a brother-in-law and two nephews. In 
partnership with his brother John he conducted a business 
establishment of experts and restorers of pictures in Pais sell 
Court, Cleveland Row, 1 and several leading artists were em- 
ployed on important works for the King and others through 
his agency. Both Jackson and Pickersgill painted clever 
life-size portraits of him at different periods of his life, that 
by Jackson being remarkably fine. Mr. Edward Hodges 
Baily, R.A., was a great deal with him about the same 
time, and made a capital bust of him and another of John 

There is a sort of history connected with the large house 
which stood at the end of Piussell Court, opposite the Duchess 
of Cambridge's apartments, which the Seguiers occupied a3 
their place of business for thirty-nine years. It was a house 
of the time of Charles II., and before Seguier rented it ^ras 
occupied by the well-known printer, Buhner. In it was 
printed Alderman Boydell's famous illustrated edition of 
Shakespeare, published at one hundred guineas a copy. Thi3 
curious old house, together with the Thatched House Tavern 
in St. James's Street (the latter also associated with art as 

1 William S. to 1843, John S. to 1856. 



being the club-house of the Society of Dilettanti), were pulled 
down about the year 1860. 

One of William Siguier's earliest patrons was the Duke 
of Wellington, to whom he became known before the 
Peninsular War. With that war our memoir at this stage 
has some relation. 

It will be remembered that the French were defeated at 
Vittoria by Wellington in 1813. Joseph Buonaparte, on 
quitting the Escorial, had given orders that a large number of 
pictures were to be included in his baggage, and a great 
many had not only been taken from their outer frames, but also 
carefully cut off the stretching frames, thus enabling a very 
considerable number to be packed away in the deep leather case, 
or imperial, which was usually strapped on the top of a 
travelling carriage in those days. As, however, the English 
discovered more than two hundred pictures concealed in the 
French baggage, they were presumably not all contained in 
one imperial. Wellington, as a matter of course, offered to 
return all these paintings to the Spanish Government, which, 
however, refused to keep them and prevailed upon him to 
accept them all as a present in token of their gratitude for 
his services to the country. In the following year all the 
pictures, together with the imperial, were sent from Spain to^ 
William Siguier's studio. Many of them were restored and 
afterwards arranged by him at Apsley House, but the imperial 
remained in the possession of his family till the year 1870. 
The Duke of Wellington took great interest in pictures, and, 
after the French wars were over, found constant amusement 
in arranging and re-arranging his collection. He had very 
decided views in the matter, and, after settling on any parti- 
cular place for a picture which he considered an improvement, 
always adhered to it if possible. On one occasion, when 
Siguier explained to him that a certain picture was consider- 
ably too large to fit into the space allotted to it, the Duke 
replied : ' But I suppose it can be hung there if you cut a 
piece off.' 

Not long after the National Gallery had been established, 
the Government instructed Seguier to go over to Paris to 



secure, if possible, the whole of the fine collection formed by 
Marshal Soult. Seguier's cousin, Colonel (afterwards General) 
Thwaites, accompanied him. Colonel Thwaites was at the 
time Secretary to the National Gallery ; he was a clever 
amateur artist as well as a good judge of old pictures. Un- 
fortunately the Government were unwilling to pay the sum 
asked for the collection, though it would now be regarded as a 
very moderate one. 

Before leaving Paris, Seguier visited some French 
relatives of his wife's, who were artists in precious metals, 
and instructed them to make for him a pair of candelabra 
from designs furnished by himself. These are still in the 
possession of his family. They represent female figures 
holding in their hands sockets for candles and standing on 
low columns. The plinths of these candelabra are very 
elegant ; the error into which even some of the great artists 
in plate of the period of Queen Anne fell having been in this 
case avoided, the bases being not too large and wholly free of 
the pyramidal character. 

Seguier was employed for some time at the Pavilion at 
Brighton, where he continued to reside for part of every- 
season after his services there were no longer required. For 
several years he had suffered from gout, which culminated in 
other ailments, and he died at Brighton on November 5, 
1843. He was buried in St. Luke's Church, Chelsea ; his 
body was, however, subsequently removed to the Earl's Court 
Cemetery at Brompton. He left a widow and four daughters. 
His younger brother John succeeded him as Superintendent 
of the British Institution. 

Seguier's private collection of pictures, engravings, and 
illustrated books on art was valuable and extensive. Mr. 
William Smith, afterwards a Trustee of the National Portrait 
Gallery, offered his executors 4,000/. for the engravings and 
etchings by the Old Masters, but they preferred disposing of 
them by public auction. Some of the finest, including 
several etchings by Bembrandt, were secured for the British 

The following notice appeared in the Literary Gazette 



of November 13, 1843 : — ' On Sunday last, November 5, 
Mr. William Seguier, so well known in the world of art, died 
at Brighton. He was Keeper of the British Institution, and 
connected more or less with almost every great picture gallery 
in England, either by having been consulted in their forma- 
tion or having been engaged in selecting works for their 
enrichment. No man has had so much influence within the 
period of our knowledge, his opinion being sought on almost 
every occasion when the Government or eminent patrons of 
art had to exercise a judgment upon the productions of the 
easel. In life Mr. Seguier was uniformly good-humoured, 
frankly communicative, and full of anecdote and intel- 

John Seguier, younger brother of William Seguier, was born 
in London, 1785, and studied at the Academy Schools, where 
he gained the silver medal in 1812. His paintings were 
chiefly views of places in England. He succeeded his 
brother as Superintendent of the British Institution, and died 
in London in 1856. 

Among other patrons he was chief adviser to Mr. Daniel 
Mesman, who bequeathed his pictures to the University of 

He married Margaret, daughter of Anthony Stewart, the 
miniature painter, who painted the earliest portraits of Queen 
Victoria as an infant. 



frenchmen on tf}c j&mg. 

(Abstract of a Lecture given by THOMAS MILLER MAGUIEE, MA., LL.D., 
Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Laiu, at the Society's fleeting on March 14, 
1906.) ~ 

It has been my privilege to lecture to the Huguenot Society 
on two previous occasions, on which I illustrated the genius 
and prowess of the very remarkable, chivalrous, sage, and 
resourceful ancestors of its members by land, in the French 
Army, in the Northern European Armies, and in the British 
Army from the Boyne to the Himalayas and from Almanza 
to Dettingen. 

This evening our subject is the skill and daring of French- 
men on the watery main as navigators, explorers, and in 
command of fleets ; in fact, as displayed in the cult and 
service of Sea Power, which Lord Bacon says is an 'abridg- 
ment of monarchy ' and enables a State to take as much or as 
little of war as it pleases. 

This Sea Power is the dowry of our own insular power — 
the United Kingdom — and here it is seen in excels is ; but it is 
not for a moment to be supposed that the gay land of mirth 
ajid social ease, the land whose ports and -fleets enabled Caesar 
to conquer Britain, and which in due time gave Sovereigns to 
the mighty Colonial Empire of Spain ; which sent not only 
its own princes of Prankish birth but also the bold Normans 
to the Crusades, and which has a splendid maritime position, 
with its promontories jutting out against Britain and far into 
the Atlantic, and with its splendid roads and great canal 
linking the Bay of Biscay with the Mediterranean ; it is not to 
be supposed, I say, that its people would not make bold hits 
and undertake desperate enterprises and find money and men 
to found empires beyond the furthest range of Greek or 
Eoman imagination, by the banks of the Niger and the St. 



Lawrence, and where the Mississippi hurls the waters of the 
great American plains and of the mighty ridges of the ranges 
of Wyoming and Colorado and of the Appalachians to the 
Mexican Sea. 

France then sent out most daring explorers, heroic soldiers 
and reckless sailors, terrible buccaneers and skilful generals 
and diplomatists, who planted the fleur-de-lis in the realms 
of Aurungzebe and in Mauritius ; who settled Canada and 
occupied both banks of the Missouri and Mississippi ; who 
defeated Braddock by the Ohio and sent Labourdonnais, 
Dupleix, and Lally to dispute, however vainly, the Empire of 
India with Give and Hastings. 

A Long Struggle. 

One perpetual contest went on between our folk and the 
French for Sea Power from the Franco- Spanish wedding in 
the middle of the seventeenth century, which abolished the 
Pyrenees, till the fall of Napoleon ; and the British only 
maintained the dominion of the seas by a series of stupendous 
struggles and naval victories, in all of which the French 
valour and skill were with difficulty overcome from Beachy 
Head and La Hogue to Malaga and Ushant, Lagos, Quiberon, 
St. Vincent, St. Lucia, the Indian Seas, the Nile, and Trafalgar. 
The credit and renown attaching to the victor was in each 
case the measure of the ability and courage of the vanquished* 
Indeed, Napoleon all through his career recognised, even more 
clearly than the present German Emperor, the supreme 
importance to a European Power of Dominion of the Seas. 
His eagle eye saw the growing greatness of America would 
develop enormously maritime trade and the value of Sea 
Power, and when fear lest the English might seize New 
Orleans caused him to sell the whole Mississippi basin, includ- 
ing Louisiana, to the United States for 3,000,000?. he ex- 
claimed, ' I have given you the future of mankind.' 

Nor has France in our day given up Sea Power. Her 
Navy is now next to that of England among European States* 
Of course Japan and the United States have only come into 



positions of maritime eminence within the past dozen years. 
France has lost India, but she has acquired Indo-China, a 
great domain ; she has lost Canada, but she has acquired 
Algeria, Tripoli, Dakar, a great part of the Western Sudan, 
and Madagascar and Jiboutil ; in other words, naval and 
maritime positions of no small importance from the point of 
view of international policy. Moreover, as Captain Sorb 
points out, she has the great advantage of being self- sustained. 
Whether her colonial policy is wise or not, at any rate she 
can support her people in affluence on the products of France ; 
while we, alas ! import most of our food supplies, and the 
population of Germany must soon prey upon other nations 
like the ancient Goths, or emigrate across the seas, or decay 
and die. 

Soldier- Sea Waeriors. 

In this long record of naval adventure and strife it is not 
to be supposed that the Huguenots did not play a worthy part. 
Most assuredly the best French sailors were Bretons, or at any 
rate Eoman Catholics, and indeed the persecution of faithful 
Eoman Catholics after the French Revolution was almost as 
great a blow to the naval power of France as the- Eevocation 
of the Edict of Nantes was to the military power of the 
Bourbons. So true it is that sentiment, religion, fanaticism — 
anything that stirs or elevates the soul — is of incalculable value 
to the art of success in war. 

To speak of Admiral Coligny, or indeed Baleigh or 
Blake, as sea -men would be a misnomer in our modern sense, 
as till the reign of William III. the sailor who navigated the 
sailing ship was one type of man and the seafaring man who 
fought in action was simply a soldier. The admirals of 
Cromwell's time, and Rupert and Monk in the days of 
Charles II., were soldiers. Hence Lord Dorset, the gallant 
poetic soldier-sailor, wrote : 

To all you, ladies now on land, 
We men at sea endite 
But first would have you understand 
How hard it is to write. 



' La Eochelle. 

Rochelle can never be omitted from the history of com- 
bined naval and military expeditions, and this Huguenot town 
played no small part in the records of the seas. 

In his poem of the ' War of the League ' Lord Macaulay 
refers to the great part played by the maritime folk of the 
ocean fortress in the wars of religion : 

And thou, Eochelle, our own Eochelle, proud city of the waters, 
Again let rapture light the eyes of all thy mourning daughters, 
As thou wert constant in our ills, be joyous in our joy, 
For cold and stiff and still are they who wrought thy walls annoy. 
Hurrah, hurrah, a single field hath turned the chance of war, 
Hurrah, hurrah, for Ivry and Henry of Navarre ! 

Eochelle continued to be a pivot of strife for thirty-eight 
years after the battle of Ivry. But in spite of Buckingham's 
attack on the Isle of Re with a fleet and army, it was taken by 
Cardinal Richelieu after a siege of thirteen months in 1628. 

Emigrant Huguenot Seamen. 

Of the thousands of Protestant sailors who left France at 
the Revocation, many settled in the ports along the south and 
south-east coast of England ; but the greater number entered 
the Dutch Fleet, while some of them took service in the Navy 
of the Elector of Brandenburg. Louis XIV. took the same 
steps to force conversion upon his sailors that he adopted to 
convert the other Classes of his subjects. So soon, however, 
as the sailors arrived in foreign ports, they usually took the 
opportunity of deserting their ships and reasserting their 
liberty. In 1686 three French vessels which had put into 
Dutch ports were entirely deserted by their crews ; and in the 
same year more than 800 experienced mariners, trained 
under Duquesne, entered the Navy of the United Provinces. 
When William sailed for England in 1688 the island of 
Zealand alone sent him 150 excellent French sailors, who 
were placed, as picked men, on board the Admiral's and Vice- 
Admiral's ships. Like their Huguenot fellow-countrymen on 
land, the Huguenot sailors fought valiantly at sea under the 



flag of their adopted country, and they emulated the bravery 
of the English at the great naval battle of La Hogue, which 
occurred a few years later. 

Many descendants of the refugees subsequently attained 
distinction by their valour on that element which England has 
been accustomed to regard as peculiarly her own. Amongst 
them may be mentioned ' the gallant, good Eiou,' who was 
killed while commanding the * Amazon,' frigate, at Copenhagen 
in 1801, and the Gambiers, descended from a refugee family 
long settled at Canterbury, one of whom rose to be a vice- 
admiral and another an admiral, the latter having also been 
raised to the peerage for his distinguished public services. 
(See Smiles, Hugueiwts.) 

A Perilous Career. 

The art of war on sea and the processes of maritime 
enterprise are very simple matters now compared with the days 
of Frobisher or Blake or De Grasse. 

In 1900 the time taken for the voyages of the best 
appointed modern mail steamers from London to Bombay 
was about 13 days, to Hong-Kong 24 days, to Shanghai 28, 
to Adelaide 26, to Cape Town 17. A fast passage between 
London and New York takes 5 days and 8^ hours. But it 
must be remembered that all the early navigators sailed in 
small ships, wretchedly equipped, and that our Indian Empire 
was founded when the voyage out took several months. The 
rate of 350 miles a day is not a great average now for a 

Vasco da Gama's journey to Calicut and back took two 
years two months and five days, during which some time 
was occupied in collecting samples of Indian products, 
Magellan, the first circumnavigator, was three months and 
eight days crossing the Pacific from the Straits named after him 
to the Ladrones, and the whole voyage occupied just under 
three years. Drake sailed from England on December 17, 
1577, with 166 men and five small vessels, and returned on 
November 3, 1580, after his wonderful circumnavigation, with 
one ship and about fifty men. On one voyage he made a run 



from Florida to the Scilly Islands in 23 days. Anson's 
celebrated voyage round the world lasted about four years ; 
he brought back in the ' Centurion ' the ruins of his force, and 
an enormous booty. Warren Hastings' first voyage to India 
lasted from January 1750 to October in the same year. 
Nelson's trip to the West Indies and back began on May 11, 
1805 ; from Lagos Bay he reached Antigua on June 12 and left 
it the following day, and was at the Azores on July 8, returning 
to Gibraltar on July 19. Lord Eoberts started for India on Feb- 
ruary 20, 1852, and, taking an overland route through Egypt, 
reached Calcutta on April 1. 

With regard to cheapness of carriage, the cost of a given 
weight over a given distance by the roads is ten times the 
cost of the same weight by railway, and the cost by railway 
ten times that of the same weight for the same distance by 
sea. Thus, 50 tons by road costs as much as 500 by rail 
and 5,000 by sea. 

It was easier to put 100,000 men in South Africa from 
Southampton in 1900 or 1901 than it was to send 10,000 
men under Wellington to Portugal from Cork in 1808. Lord 
Eoberts told me that he went to India in a 600-ton ship and 
that it took him months. He went to South Africa in a 
10,000-ton ship and it did do« take him three weeks. The 
French went to the Holy Land in vessels of 50 tons. The 
scurvy-pestered vessels of the sixteenth century in which 
King Henry of Navarre's Huguenots went to North America en- 
countered appallingly real evils and worse imaginary evils. 
These are thus described by Spenser (Faerie Queene, II). No 
wonder that it required all the courage of the best Spaniards 
and Portuguese and British, like Sir Walter Ealeigh and 
Drake, or the poet's Sir Guyon, to persevere with a voyage. 
Most ugly shapes and horrible aspects, 

Such as Dame Nature selfe mote feare to see, 

Or shame, that ever should so fowle defects, 

From her most cunning hand escaped bee ; 

All dreadfull pourtraicts of deformitee ; 

Spring-headed hydres ; and sea-shouldring whales ; 

Great whiiipooles, which all fishes make to flee ; 

Bright scolopendraes arm'd with silver scales, 
Mighty monoceros with unmeasured tayles ; 



The dreadfull fish, that hath deserved the name 
Of Death, and like him lookes in dreadful hew ; 
The grisley wasserman, that makes his game, 
The flying ships with swiftness to pursew, 
The horrible sea-satyre, that doth shew 
His fearefull face in time of greatest storme ; 
Huge zifiius, whom mariners eschew 
No lesse than rockes, as travellers informe ; 

And greedy rosmarines with visages deforme ; 

All these, and thousand thousands many more, 
And more deformed monsters thousand fold, 
With dreadfull noise and hollow rombling rore 
Came rushing in the fomy waves enrold, 
Which seemed to fly for feare them to behold ; 
No wonder if these did the knight appall ; 
For all that here on earth we dreadfull hold, 
Be but as bugs to fearen babes withall, 
Compared to the creatures in the seas entrall. 

French Buccaneers. 

It is not my purpose to give here a history of the bucca- 
neers, but only to give them brief mention in connection with 
their doings in the Pacific. The West Indies was their home, 
where they lived and laboured for a good round century, doing 
other things than acts of pure piracy. The French buccaneers 
assisted the English in the conquest of Jamaica in 1655. The 
French buccaneers, under Pierre Legrand, rose at one stroke 
to fame and fortune by the capture of a richly laden galleon 
of the annual Spanish fleet, in command of the vice-admiral, 
the pirates climbing on board from a small boat at night, and 
surprising the officers at cards in the Admiral's cabin. 

Another Frenchman, Pierre Francois, captured the vice- 
admiral of the pearl fleet ; while Bartholomew, with a boat 
carrying about four guns and thirty men, successfully fought 
a Spanish war- vessel of twenty large guns and seventy men. 

Lolonnois began his career with the capture, with twenty- 
two men in two canoes, on the coast of Cuba, of a Spanish 
frigate. His prisoners he would throw overboard or bum in 
their ship, and it is said that he once struck off the heads of 



eighty captives with his own sword by way of amusement. 
Lolonnois finally was torn from limb to limb by the natives of 
Darien, his body burned, and the ashes scattered to the wind. 

Another Frenchman, Montbar, was called the Exterminator. 
He was a native of Languedoc, and from his youth up studied 
brutality as a fine art. (See Military Geography, Cambridge 

French m North America: The Acadians. 

The French were among the first to resort regularly to 
Acadia and make attempts at settlement. The names all along 
the western Canadian coast, French names, testify to this. 
From 1504 French vessels from LaEochelle, St. Malo, Dieppe, 
frequented the x\cadian harbours. 

Francis I. sent Jacques Cartier out in 1534-5, and he 
discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and sailed up it as tar as 
to where Montreal now is. He discovered by chance Prince 
Edward Island, which up till this time had been thought to be 
part of the mainland. 

Henry IV., recognising the importance of Western planta- 
tions, sent M. de Monts out as Governor of the country of La 
Cadia, or Acadia, a district extending from Philadelphia to 
Newfoundland. He sailed for America in 1603, with Baron 
de Poutrincourt Herbert, Pontgrave, and Champlain. He is 
the true hero of Acadia as well as of Canada. Champlain was 
sent by De Monts to found Quebec, and Pontgrave to carry on 
the fur trade there. 

Quebec was thus a creation of the fur trade. Many of the 
members of the company were Huguenots, Pontgrave, Chauvin ) 
and De Monts among them ; and although Champlain ^as a 
Catholic and always took a deep interest in the conversion of 
the savages, the merchants cared very little about such matters, 
being anxious rather for good furs. 

There has been in Canada no lack of remarkable men who 
have left their traces upon her history. None have been 
endowed with a character so noble, so brave, so loyal, so 
persevering, as Samuel Champlain. The amiability and 
grace of the French character were combined with the sturdier 



elements requisite in a pioneer leader. He was as much at- 
home smoking the calumet in the wigrvain of a Sachem on the 
Upper Ohio or at Ottawa as he was in Paris at the Court of his 
patron, Henry IT. It is not the least among the privileges of 
Canada that her history opens with a personality so sane and 
so sweet as still to remain a type and ideal to shine as the 
guiding star of successive generations of her children. Some 
really brilliant commanders were produced among the French 
colonists. All the Huguenot family of Le Moyne distinguished 
themselves, but chiefly Le Moyne d'Iberville. He it was who 
repeatedly conquered Hudson's Bay and Newfoundland and 
kept the Atlantic sea-board in terror. He was a captain in 
the service of the King and commanded squadrons in the 
Royal Navy. 

Longfellow has popularised the tale of the simple life of 
the Acadians : 

Strongly built were the houses, with frames of oak and of 

Such as the peasants of Normandy built in the reign of the 

Down the long street she passed, with her chaplet of beads 
and her missal, 

Wearing her Norman cap, and her kirtle of blue and the ear- 

Brought in the olden times from France, and since, as an heir- 

Handed down from mother to child through long generations. 

Fragments of song the old man sang, and carols of Christmas, 
Such as at home, in the olden time, his fathers before him, 
Sang in their Norman orchards and bright Burgundian vine- 

Along the shore of the mournful and misty Atlantic 
Linger a few Acadian peasants, whose fathers from exile 
Wandered back to their native land to die in its bosom. 
In the fisherman's cot the wheel and the loom are still busy, 
Maidens still wear their Norman caps and their kirtles of 

vol. vrn. — no. n. n 



The Huguenot Adzjieal, Abraham Duquesne. 

I have only time for a short sketch of the career of a great 
Huguenot admiral, whom we admire, though he did the British 
many a shrewd turn in the service of the persecutors of his 
creed and kin. 

Admiral Duquesne was born in Dieppe, 1610. His father, 
who was captain of a ship, taught him the theory of naviga- 
tion, which he soon began to practise. But he did not take 
any position of command till he was perfect in theory and 
had made really profound studies for his age. His father was 
killed by the Spaniards, against whom he swore lasting hate. 

He fought fiercely and successfully against them in 1639 
and 1640, but as the war dragged in a futile manner during 
the minority of Louis XIV. he joined the Swedish service, in 
which he became vice-admiral and defeated the Danes. But 
as the Spanish attacked France in 1650 Duquesne fitted out 
an expedition against them at his own expense and defeated 
them. At that time the English claimed that the various 
seas were under their suzerainty as a mare clausum. 

Anne of Austria rewarded Duquesne for helping her troops 
to take Bordeaux with the return of his expenses, a chateau 
and a landed estate and the title chef d'escaclre. He fought 
with the English against the Dutch in 1673 and beat the 
Spanish at Messina, and attacked the Dutch again near 
Stromboli in 1676. His Mediterranean career at this period 
was a model of naval tactical ability. He displayed true 
chivalry to his dead enemy De Pmyter, killed by his men near 
Sicily. He allowed the vessel £ Catania,' with the remains, to 
pass along, though captured. Indeed, he boarded the frigate 
and saluted the box containing the brave Dutchman's heart 
and spoke thus : ' Voila les restes cVun grand Jiomme ; 11 a 
trouve la mort au milieu des hasards qu'il a tani de fois 
braves' He then set out to clear the Mediterranean from 
Barbary pirates. When the King received him at Versailles 
the following conversation illustrates the highest forms of 
dignity on both sides : 

1 Je voudrais bien, monsieur, que vous ne m'empcchassiez 



pas de recompense!* les services que yous ra'avez rendas conmie 
ils meritent de l'etre ; mais vous etes protestant et vous savez 
quelles sont rnes intentions la-dessus.' 

1 Duquesne, de retour chez lui, rapporta ce discours a sa 
femme, qui lui dit : " II fallait lui repondre ' Oui, Sure, je suis 
protestant, mais mes services sont catholiques.' " ' 

1 Cependant le roi erigea en niarquisat, sous le nom cTe 
Duquesne, la terra de Bouchet, pres d'Etampes, et lui en fit 
don apres la conclusion de la paix. Duquesne fut du nombres 
des officiers appeles a la cour pour dormer leur avis sur 
l'organisation de la marine.' 

In 1681 lie bombarded Algiers, and the French have kept 
their eyes fixed on the North of Africa ever since. He next 
bombarded Genoa, and this was his last sea service. He died 
in 16S8. He was, in the opinion of some critics, the very best 
French admiral. 


I could go on for hours with illustrations of the prowess of 
French navigators, explorers, and righting sailors. 

What I have said has been rather a series of excerpts than 
a connected lecture. I was about to say that I hoped I had 
awakened curiosity, but I need not say this. Dull ignorance 
has no place in Huguenot homes, and intellectual quickness 
and alertness are characteristics of their race. 

I could dwell much longer on the French of Canada, though 
only St. Pierre and Miquelon remain to France, inasmuch, as 
the French are more prominent in Canadian life than even the 
Scotch, who, by the way, owe no small part of their peculiar 
genius to their long relations with France (1290-1580). With 
Gauls as well as Highland Gaels Canada will loom large in 
future history by the energy and industry of her folk, by the 
marvellous, the exuberant bounty" of Nature, which heaps upon 
her southern zone her choicest gifts with lavish hand. The 
fact that it has 500,000 square miles of good arable land more 
than the United States would alone mark it out for pre- 
eminence. A nation with natural gifts without a bold and 
free and generous race ready to fight and to die pro aris et 



focis is as nothing. But Canada has noble children as well as 
splendid resources. 

As I said, no small portion of the most active Frenchmen 
came from the "western shores of France, descended from 
emigrant Bretons from our own coasts or from Gauls who were 
driven westward by the advancing Teutonic wave. I care 
nothing for ententes cordiales or the triumphs of diplomatic 
knavery or foolery, evanescent and unreliable, but Race will 
not be denied, and a pure-bred Celt or Kelt like myself must 
needs sympathise with exiles like Huguenots and with Bretons, 
whether Protestant or Catholic. A student of history who 
does not admire and cherish the records of Gallic enterprise, 
literature, and chivalry embodied in every type of Celtic or 
Frankish Frenchmen from Charlemagne to Godfrey of 
Boulogne and from Guiscard to Turenne, and from the soldiers 
of Henri Quatre and Louis XIY. to the Marshals of Napoleon, 
must be merely a Dryasdust annalist void of imagination. 
Even now, as Captain Sorb points out, France might again 
start on a great career of naval enterprise even as against 
England. I sincerely trust that in this respect the designs 
and teachings of the gallant officer will not be successful, but, 
not the less, he is quite justified in his contention that the 
naval history of France from Lake Champlain by the Atlantic 
to the Mediterranean and thence to Saigon and Hue is a 
creditable and immortal portion of his nation's history. 


l2otc£ upon ttjc Earlier £Jt£torp of t(>c Manufacture 
of paper in <£ngian& 

From a MS. left by the late George Henry Overend, F.S.A., 
Assistant-Secretary of the Society. 

It seems to be persistently ignored by some historians of the 
French Protestants that all the larger settlements of aliens 
in England, and especially those which had a long-continued 
existence, were founded by Walloons, Flemings, or Dutchmen, 
with a few Germans, in the reigns of the Tudor and earlier 
Stuart kings, and that religious exiles from France took 
refuge in such settlements amongst other places, and that large 
numbers of them had found shelter here at various times 
prior to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. It is also a 
fault of such writers that they attribute to refugaes arriving 
after the Revocation the introduction of many of the more 
important industries. They forget or are ignorant of the 
fact that at the time these earlier settlements were established 
trade guilds were much more influential and were much more 
disposed to exercise their rights and powers than after the 
date of the Revocation. It was no doubt due to the jealousy 
displayed by the guilds towards foreigners that the latter were 
compelled in a great measure to turn to occupations, which 
infringed but little or not at all upon the trades practised by 
native workmen. In this manner new industries arose, and 
though, doubtless, the later refugees introduced others, it will 
be found in several instances that what they really effected 
was an improvement in the methods pursued in some industry, 
not the introduction of the industry itself. 

The manutacture of white paper is a case in point. Its 
introduction is almost everywhere attributed to French 



refugees coming to this country after the Revocation, and yet 
several of the refugees concerned with the particular trans- 
actions by which the manufacture is said to have then been 
established, are known to have been resident here prior to 
the Revocation. Indeed, one of the more important of them 
was a member of the French Church of Southampton so early 
as 1663. 

Not only is the date assigned to the commencement of 
this manufacture incorrect, for the industry was practised by 
an alien so early as the reign of Elizabeth ; but this alien 
came from Germany, not from France. He obtained letters 
patent giving him a monopoly of the manufacture of white 
writing paper for a limited period. It is not asserted in this 
grant that he actually invented the process he followed, 
though the Privy Council subsequently wished it to be 
understood that he at least introduced a new manufacture. 
This, it will be seen, was denied by the Corporation of London, 
which asserted that there were mills making such paper 
established at Osterby (sic), at Cambridge, in Worcestershire, 
and elsewhere in England, prior to the granting of this 

The two chief uses of paper which is white, or is intended 
to approach white in colour, are for printing and for writing. 
Of the paper used for printing there are no early examples in 
the Record Office. 1 The earliest specimens of paper used for 
writing preserved there, with perhaps a few exceptions in the 
' Ancient Correspondence,' are afforded by some accounts 
relating to the collection of Customs at Bordeaux belonging to 
the latter part of the reign of Edward I., the first of the series 
being dated January 20, 1302-3. But in a wool-producing 
country such as England was in early times, parchment must 
have been fairly cheap, and for the enrolment of public 
documents it offered a much more durable material than 
paper. Only a few documents written on paper are to be 

1 Richard Herring, in his work, Paver and Paver Making, p. 29, says: 
• Amongst the records ... I have seen a letter addressed to Henry the Third, 
and written previously to 1222/ This is in the museum of the Public Record. 
Office, date 1216-1222. 



found here and there amongst the public records prior to the 
reign of Henry VIII., when, for some reason not yet explained, 
paper was first used as the material upon which the whole 
or the greater part of several classes of documents were 

In a brief sketch of the history of paper as one of the 
1 materials used to receive writing' Sir Edmund Maunde 
Thompson says : ' England drew her supplies, no doubt, at 
first from such trading ports as Bordeaux and Genoa ; but 
even in the fourteenth century it is not improbable that she 
had a rough home manufacture of her own, although it is 
said that the first English mill was set up in Hertford nut 
earlier than the sixteenth century.' 

This mill at Hertford is no doubt the one referred to by 
Mr. William Page in his account of the various industries 
with which aliens settled in England in the Tudor period 
were connected. 

He says : * As early as 1507 it is said paper was made at 
Hertford by William Tate ; 1 after him a German named 
Remigius started some works here, and then SL' Thomas 
Gresham The works of all these seem to have failed. In 
1585, Eichard Tottyll petitioned for privileges for erecting a 
paper mill; but in 1538, John Spilman, the Queen's gold- 
smith, procured a patent for making white paper, and erected 
mills at Dartford, which remained to recent times. A 
number of Germans were brought into England to work 
these mills.' 

In an account of 'Early Surrey Industries ' Mr. George 
Clinch says : ' The manufacture of cloth and woollen goods at 
Guildford, Godalming, Shere, and. the adjacent villages, dates 
from an early period, and there were in that district some of 
the earliest paper -mills ; however, they may have only 
manufactured paper used in the pressing of cloth, similar to 
the paper for the making of which Eobert Fuller, ?; 

1 Herring (p. 37) says Tate's mill was at or near Stevenage. It is mentioned 
in a book printed by Caxton about 1490 and in the Household ^ccoun:s of 
Henry VII. in 1193 and 1499. He also refers (p. 36) to an early paper-mill at 
North Newton, near Banbury, and {p. 37) to Spilman's mill. 




" baysniaker," obtained letters patent in 1684, as will be seen 

No attempt has been made to investigate the history of 
any of these early paper-mills with the exception of those of 
Spilman ; but it may be remarked that Richard Tottyli (or 
Tottel) was doubtless the well-known printer of that name, 
and the paper he proposed to manufacture was probably 
such as he would use in his trade of printing. 

Spilman's patents, for there were two relating to paper- 
making, deserve some notice, for not only are there ample 
details available respecting the mills he established, but also, 
it would seem, an actual specimen of the paper he produced. 
There is therefore, in his case at least, some evidence to show 
that he anticipated the Huguenots of the later alien settle- 
ments in England in the manufacture of fine white writing- 
paper. For this reason, and because Dartford, where he esta- 
blished his mills, appears to have been for a long time the 
principal seat of the paper-making industry in this country, 
the earlier history of his mills has been narrated in these 
notes at greater length than would otherwise have been the 

John Spilman (or Spielmann) is said to have been a 
' High Germaine,' £ in Lyndoam, Bodenze {i.e. Lindau, on Lake 
Constance) borne and bred,' and this seems to be corroborated 
by the fact of his employing Germans in his mills. His 
wife Elizabeth obtained letters patent of denization on 
December 6, 1592, when she was described as coming ' from 
the parts of Germany under the rule of the Emperor.' 
Spilman himself must have obtained similar letters patent at 
an earlier date, but they are not enrolled, for he is re- 
ferred to by the Queen as ' our well-beloved servant and 
naturall denizen John Spylman, Goldsmyth of our Jewelles.' 
He also acted as jeweller to James L, who appears at times to 
have been deeply in his debt, a fact which possibly accounts 
for Spiiman receiving the honour of knighthood at Dartford 
on May 25, 1605. Besides being a jeweller and a paper- 
maker, he is also described a3 a picture-maker. He seems 
to have been a man of many occupations ; for instance, on 



May 29, 15S2, he obtained the royal licence to export 600 
barrels of beer (transportare vj c dolia potus lupinat'). His 
death is said to have taken place in 1626. 

The mills at which Spilman set up the manufacture of 
paper were two water-mills, called the Wheat Mill and the 
Malt Mill, situated on the river Darent, near Dartford, in 
Kent. They belonged to the manor cf" Bignours, which had 
been one of the possessions of the Priory of Dartford, and at 
the dissolution of the monastic houses had come to the hands 
of the Crown. 

Both the manor and the mills were the subjects of various 
leases and other deeds before they passed completely into the 
possession of Spilman. These transactions, too complicated 
for narration in chronological sequence and order, can be 
understood more readily from the following tabular arrange- 
ment, showing that in or shortly after 1586 the mills were in 
the tenancy of Spilman, with the prospect of his having a 
Crown lease of them. In 1588 he obtained such a lease, and 
in 1605 he acquired the freehold of the mills. 

The precise date when Spilman entered into occupation 
of the mills has not been ascertained. An official of the 
Court of Augmentations reported on November 8, 1588, that 
' more then two yeares passed ' he had made a valuation or 
' particular ' of the mills, with the view of a lease of them 
being made, but he does not say to whom. The rent of -4Z. 
yearly due to Deathe by the Queen he had paid for two-and- 
a-half years preceding Michaelmas last, but so far he had 
not received ' anye rent at all for the said milles,' which by 
his ' particular ; he had estimated to be worth 10/. yearly. 

Spilman appears to have been in great favour with the; 
Queen, and probably she simply took the lease of the mills 
from Deathe in order to obtain possession of them for her 
jeweller. The latter must then have entered into possession 
without any precise understanding as to the terms of his 
tenancy, and at once have commenced the structural altera- 
tions necessary to adapt them to the manufacture of paper. 
These alterations must have been extensive, fcr the mills, or 
rather some recently erected buildings belonging to them, 





had been used for 'the refminge of owre,' and they may have 
formed part of the ironworks said to have been established 
about this time by George Box, of Lit-ge, to be referred to 

The official above mentioned says : ' I thinke surelie that 
the repairinge and convertinge of the same to a paper myll 
hathe coste Mr. Spilman, the now farmer, at the leaste 
xiiij tn or xv tn hundred poundes, and [he] desireth therefore to 
have it by lease, with such abatement of the saide rent of 
tenne pounds as . . . shall seeme meete consideringe his 
great charges.' 

On May 16, 1588, Lord Burghley and Sir Walter 
Mildmay signed a fiat for the issue of the lease to Spilman 
for such term as the Queen had in the mills, he ' awnswering 
the yearlie rent of iiij t5 , and paieing all such arrerage of the 
said rent as hath been unawnsweared for such time as he 
hath had the use of the same milles, ... in consideration of 
his charges in the building thereof.' 

The arrears of rent having been satisfied, a lease was 
granted to Spilman, by the advice, the Queen states, of 
Burghley and Mildmay, on November 30, 1588, for the term 
of twenty-four years from the preceding Michaelmas day, at 
the yearly rent of 4Z. 

Some idea of the structure of the mills can be gathered 
from the doggerel verses written soon after they were estab- 
lished by Thomas Churchyard, a contemporary poet. These 
verses consist of forty-four stanzas of eight lines each, and 
are entitled, ' A Description and Playne Discourse of Paper, 
and the whole benefits that Paper brings, with rehearsall, 
and setting foorth in Verse a Paper-Myll built near Darthford 
by an High Germaine called Master Spilman, Jeweller to the 
Queenes Majestie.' 

The mills, or rather mill, to use the term applied to 
it by Churchyard, is said to have presented a handsome 

This is so fine with workmanship set foorth, 
So surely built, and planted in the ground, 
That it doth seeme a house of some estate. 



It was constructed with timber frames, coloured or painted 
black and white. Water was still the motive power, as it 
had been under former tenancies of the mill, but the leat had 
evidently fallen out of repair before Spilman commenced his 
occupation, for one line says : 

The streame goes straight, that earst ranne all at large. 

' Tenter hookes ' are said to have been used for tearing up 
the rags, though this may be only a poetical term for the 
appliances actually used. . 

The pipes conducting water to the interior of the mill, for 
the purpose of making the pulp and of working it, consisted 
of the trunks 01 trees hollowed out. Wooden pipes, made in 
the same way, were formerly used for the mains supplying 
London with water, and are still occasionally found in exca- 
vating in the streets. 

The principal passage relating to the building and the 
process carried on within it is as follows : 

The mill itself is sure right rare to see, 
The framing is so queint and finely done, 
Built all of wood, and hollow trunkes of tree 
That makes the streames at point device to runne, 
Nowe up, nowe downe, now sideward by a sleight, 
Nowe forward fast, then spouting up on height, 

The hammers thump, and make as lowde a noyse, 
As fuller doth that beats his wollen cloth, 
In open shewe, than sundry secrete toyes 
Makes rotten ragges to yielde a thickned froth : 
Then it is stampt, and washed as white as snowe, 
Then flong on frame, and hang'd to dry, I trow ; 
Thus paper streight it is, to write upon, 
As it were rubde and smoothde with slicking-stone. 

It will be seen presently that one of the reasons inducing 
the Queen to issue letters patent to Spilman on February 7, 
1589, was that the mills deserved encouragement because of 
the ' releife ' they afforded ' poore men ' by giving them em- 
ployment. Churchyard names the number of workmen, but 
no doubt in ' round figures.' It is strange that he makes no 



reference to the Germans employed, who probably acted as 
instructors to the native workmen. The lines relating to the 
latter a,re : 

Six hundred men are set at worke by him, 

That else might starve, or seek abroad their bread. 

Referring to Spilman himself, he says : * 
I prayse the man that first did Paper make. 

He was, however, aware of Spilman's predecessors, Eemi- 
gius and Gresham. Speaking of the former, he says : 

One Thirlby went Embassador farre from hence 

To Charles the Fift, an emperor of great fame, 

And, at returne, did bring with him, from thence, 

A learned man, Eemegius by name, 

Who Thirlby lovde, and made, by his devise, 

A Paper- Mill, but not so much in price 

As this tha.t now neere Darthford standeth well. 

Gresham he speaks of as a man — 

That had great wealth, and might much treasure spare, 

Who, with some charge, a Paper-mill began, 

And after built a statelye worke most rare, 

The Eoyall Exchaunge, but got by that more gayne 

Than he indeede did lose by former payne, 

But neyther he, nor none before his dayes, 

Made Paper-mill that merits so much praise 

As this. # 

He does not state that Spilman was the actual inventor 
of the process followed at Dartford, he simply says he 
• First triall made of thinges not heere well knowne, 

and, referring to Spilman's predecessors, he says he 
Spent thereon more wealth than well they won. 

It is not clear whether the mill was paying expenses 
when these verses were written, for Churchyard made contra- 
dictory statements on the subject. In one place, he speaks of 
the mill that 

Now profit yealds ... 

That quittes the cost, and doth the charge defray. 



In another place he says 

No profite msrye be reapt in manye a yeere, 

The author then of this newe Paper-mill 

Bestows great charge, and gaynes but worldes good-will. 

There verses, accompanied by an essay in prose entitled 
4 A Sparke of Friendship and Warme Good-Will,' are said to 
have been ' first printed in London in 1588/ both verses and 
essay being dedicated by Churchyard to his ' humble (honour- 
able ?) frend ' Sir Walter Raleigh, in a letter dated 1 the 8th 
of March.' The omission in the verses of all reference to a 
document of such importance as the letters patent issued to 
Spilman on February 7, 1589, seems to indicate that the 
date of Churchyard's letter is March 8, 158S (New Style). If 
this be so, the mills must have been in full operation at least 
eight months before Spilman obtained his lease. 

Another proof that the manufacture must have been 
commenced some little time prior to the date of the lease is 
afforded by a warrant issued in October 1588 by one of the 
Secretaries of State, for the ' stave of jorneymen which 
would goe beyond the seas,' referring to Spilman's German 
workmen. There is nothing in the warrant to show why 
they had deserted their employment. It may be simply that 
they had experienced personally how unpopular aliens were 
in this country, for the hostility exhibited by native workmen 
and apprentices in London towards foreigners was then very 
marked. The Government, too, looked upon them with suspi- 
cion, for 1588 was the year of the Armada, and many Nether- 
landers had been arrested on the charge of being spies of the 
King of Spain. The news of such arrests would no doubt 
create alarm amongst the Germans employed at Dartford, for 
they could not have been settled there very long, and it might 
easily have been the cause of their running away. 

This warrant was addressed to all Justices of the Peace, 
Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Customers, Controllers, 
Searchers, and others, in the following terms : 

' Thiese are to will and require yowe forthewith upon the 
sight hereof to make enquerie and searche by all the meanes 



and wave vow inaye, as well in all shippinge, as anye other 
waye yowe maye learne they maye passe, for all suche high 
Germaines that be worckmen with Mr. Spilman, her Majestie's 
jeweller, in his paper milles, straightlye chargeinge and 
commaundinge them in her Highnes' name, all excuses and 
delayes laide aparte, to make their present repare forthwith 
in your companye unto the Courte before the Lordes of the 
Councell, where they shall noe the cause of thier staye and 
sendinge for, whereof yowe may not faile as yowe, and everie 
of yowe will answer to the contrarie at your perrilles.' 

Taking advantage of the great favour in which he was 
held at the Court, Spilman's next step was to secure a mono- 
poly of the manufacture of white writing paper and such a 
control over the making of other kinds of paper that practi- 
cally their manufacture could not be carried on without his 
licence and consent. This he effected by procuring letters 
patent dated February 7, 15S9. 

In this grant the Queen states that she had leased her 
mills in Dartford to Spilman for a term of years yet un- 
expired, and that Spilman had at his own cost converted 
them into paper mills, in which he was then making and 
intended to continue, making white writing paper, to the 
great profit of the realm, * especiallye for the setting on worke 
of many poore men for their better releife.' To encourage so 
meritorious an enterprise, and having regard to the great 
-expenses already incurred and to be incurred by Spilman in 
its execution, she now grants to him the privilege that for a 
term of ten years none but he, his servants, deputies or 
assigns, whether Englishmen, denizens, or strangers, shall 
gather and buy 4 lynnen ragges, scrolles or scrappes of parch- 
ment, peeces of lyme, leather shreddes, and clyppinges of 
cardes, and old fysshing nettes, fytt and necessarye for the 
making of all or anye sorte or sortes of white wryting 

Though the language by which this privilege is granted 
is definite enough, it is strengthened by further clauses by 
which the Queen forbids anyone, except persons authorised 
for the purpose by Spilman, upon pain of her ' high indigna- 



tion and displeasure,' e to provide, buy, or bargain for ' any of 
the materials above mentioned, during the said term, with 
the view of exporting them for any use whatsoever. 

In the next place she commands that no one shall pre- 
sume during the same term, without a licence from Spilman,. 
- to frame, buylde, or erecte, any mill or milles, wythin this 
our realme wherein anye manner of paper whatsoever shalbe 

Having thus freed Spilman from possible competition by 
newly erected mills where his processes might be imitated, 
the grant then provides against existing mills adopting his 
methods, or methods which might produce similar results. 
* No person or persons whatsoever shall from henceforth, 
during the sayd terme, worke, or make, or cause to be 
wrought or made, anye manner of paper whatsoever, in any 
mill or mills already made, erected, or used for broune paper 
milles, wythin this our realme, without the speciall lycence 
and consent of the said John Spilman.' This clause is 
significant, for it suggests that those existing mills which 
manufactured brown paper did not also make white paper, 
and, by its silence as to mills wholly devoted to making white 
paper, implies that there were none of this description. It is 
also to be remarked that even the manufacture of brown 
paper is prohibited without the licence of Spilman. 

The Queen then enjoins all Justices, Mayors, Sheriffs, 
Bailiffs, Constables, and all other of her Officers, Ministers, 
and subjects, to permit none but Spilman, his deputies, or 
assigns, to enjoy and exercise any of the privileges before 
granted. If anyone ' shall obstinatlye, wilfully e, or dys- 
obedyentlye repugne ' her commands by infringing any one of 
the three clauses just described, they are either to arrest and 
punish such offenders, or, if so desired by Spilman, to send 
them before the Lords of the Privy Council, there to receive 
condign punishment, and to be ordered to make a fitting 
recompense to Spilman. 

Finally, the Queen ordains that if Spilman converts the 
linen rags and other materials, of which he is thus given a 
monopoly, to any use other than to the making of white 



writing paper, or if he discontinues the manufacture of such 
paper for a period of six months during the continuance of 
his term, then the grant shall become void. 

Notwithstanding the stringent terms of this grant, it was 
not long before Spilman found himself obliged to invoke the 
aid of the Privy Council to protect his privileges. In a peti- 
tion (undated) which he presented to that body he states that 
divers persons, ' not regarding her Majestie's said speciall 
pleasure and graunt, have . . . erected certaine paper milles, 
and doe daily gather upp, collect, and ingrosse the said como- 
dities (the linen rags, &c), and most specially the best and 
finest stuff thereof, wherewith your suppliant doth use to make 
the white writyng paper, and for want thereof your suppliante's 
milles are often in danger to stand still, to his exceeding great 

As an instance of his inability to enforce the observance 
of his privileges, he states that about five days before the 
presenting of this petition he had obtained from the Justices 
of the Peace of the County of Buckingham a warrant directing 
John Turner, Edward Marshall, and George Frend, who had 
lately erected a paper-mill in the said county, to appear before 
them, and commanding them to desist from the making of 
paper. This warrant Turner and his associates had, with 
unseemly gesture and words, contemptuously declined to obey. 

He is thus ' forced to make browne paper, when otherwise 
he would make writyng paper, and by meanes of them and 
others, he is like to have smale benefit of her Majestie's 

Such contempt of authority, he says, ought not to be 
overlooked, or it might become ' a precedent hurtfull to all 
her Majestie's like patentees,' and, having no other remedy, he 
prays the Council to issue a warrant summoning the offenders 
before them for punishment. He asks the Council ' for the 
better inablying hym to proceede in his said workes without 
suche undue perturbation,' ' to graunt hym also letters of 
assistaunce, as in such cases is often used.' 

It was customary for such petitions to be written in a very 
small, neat, and clear hand, possibly by a class of professional 

vol. vm. — NO. II. o 



writers, but the writing of this particular petition is so 
extremely minute that it suggests the probability of it being 
that of the jeweller Spilman himself. 

The paper upon which the petition is written is of a good 
white colour, and of a fine texture, with a smooth surface. It 
very possibly affords a specimen of that made at Spilman's 
mills. It bears a watermark which, at a hasty glance, appears 
to be a lion, but the mark is partly obscured by a piece of 
paper giving a summary of the petition having been pasted 
over it. 

To provide against such infringements of Spilman's 
monopoly as related in this petition, the Queen, notwithstand- 
ing the growing discontent at the granting of these exclusive 
privileges, on July 15, 1597, issued further letters patent 
conferring upon Spilman even more comprehensive powers 
than before. 

The preamble to this grant says that Spilman at his mills 
'now maketh and intendeth to contynew the makinge of 
paper, especially of white wrytinge paper.' This shows that 
he was not then confining himself to the manufacture of the 
better qualities only, possibly owing to the difficulty he expe- 
rienced in collecting a sufficient supply of linen rags and other 
materials suitable for the purpose. It next refers to the 
letters patent of February 7, 1589, which, it states, Spilman 
has surrendered to the intent that her Majesty might grant 
him other letters patent in ' more ample and benificiall forme.' 
Then follows the text of this new grant, which is made for a 
term of fourteen years in place of ten years as in the former 

The privileges conferred are the same as in the former 
patent, with the addition of others. 

The first clause, giving Spilman or his representatives the 
sole right of collecting materials for making white paper, is 
amplified both as regards the materials and the kind of paper 
to be made. To the words enumerating the materials are 
added ' shredes of lynnen cloth, glovers' shreddes, fudge ware 
alias ragges, olde ropes, oulde cordes, and peeces of olde cordes 
or ropes, and olde sayles, fitt and necessarye for the makinge. 



of all or any sorte or sortes of white wrytinge paper, or of any 
other sorte or sortes of paper, either called or knowne by the 
name or names of browne paper, course paper, and cappe 
paper, or any other kynde or kyndes of paper whatsoever.' 

Then follow clauses to the same purport as those in the 
earlier grant with regard to (1) unauthorised persons dealing 
in any way with the materials, (2) the erection of new mills, 
(3) the making of paper in mills already erected. 

Next comes the clause commanding Justices, Mayors, and 
others, to provide for the punishment of persons infringing 
the patent, and to this is added a passage giving Spilman the 
' letters of assistaunce ' prayed for in his petition, directing 
those officials 4 that youe and everye of you be from tyme to 
tyme aydinge, helping, and assistinge unto them (Spilman 
and his deputies) in the due execution of these our letters 

This is further strengthened by a new clause, which may 
be quoted in extenso. It not only shows what devices were 
resorted to in endeavouring to overcome the scarcity of 
materials suitable for the manufacture, but it helps towards a 
proper appreciation of the hostility then aroused against such 
monopolies as that possessed by Spilman. 

Licence is given to Spilman, that he or his deputies, 
' takinge with him or them a constable, or any other officer 
lawfully authorised for the keeping pi the peace, shall and 
maye, at all such convenyent tymes and from tyme to tyme, 
. . . . enter into any shippe, bothome, vessell, boates, shoppe, 
warehouse, seller, yarde, backsyde, back-roome, cart, wayne, 
or other carriages, place or places, whatsoever, which they or 
any of them shall thincke fitt, and wherein it maye, by good 
probabillitye of reason, be suspected that any of the said stuffe 
for the making of paper shall or maye be conteyned, within 
this our realme, by water or lande, as well within liberties as 
without, And there to trye and searche by all lawfull waves 
and meanes for any fardells, packes, baskettes, lodinges, 
heapes, or provisions of any the stuffe aforesaide for the 
makinge of paper, as shall be brought, carryed forth, laide on 
banke, boughte, solde, merchandized, kepte, imbeselled, layde 

o 2 



up, put to saile, laden, or made readye to be laden, housed, or 
transported, .... as alsoe for any sorte or sortes of paper 
whatsoever, which shalbe made, uttered, soulde, or put to sale, 
contrarye to the true meaninge of these presentes, to the ende 
not onelye that he, the saide John Spilman, may seise and 
take all such of the said commodities as shall be forfeited, as 
is aforesaide, but alsoe to th' ende that all and every the 
offendor and offenders therein maye receyve such due and 
condigne punishmentes, imprysonments, and penalties ' as by 
the laws may be inflicted. 

Besides this, the officers of the Customs are directed to do 
their uttermost to hinder and stop the transporting out of the 
kingdom ' of any of the said ragges and other stuffe . . . 
mete and necessarye for the makinge of paper.' 

Finally, it is provided that if Spilman shall at any time 
during his term of fourteen years ' discontynewe or not use 
the makinge of white wrytinge paper, or other the sortes of 
paper before specified ... by the space of one whole yeare,' 
then the grant is to be void. 

While the monopoly of paper-making possessed by 
Spilman affected rival manufacturers directly, it only con- 
cerned the nation at large indirectly, but it was not so with 
his monopoly of the collection of rags. The City of London, 
as the largest and richest centre of population in the kingdom, 
afforded the best field for gathering rags of all kinds, and 
especially those of linen and the better qualities necessary for 
making white paper. Moreover, it has always jealously 
guarded the privileges conferred upon it by a long series of 
royal charters, and it was consequently indisposed to admit 
Spilman's claim to enforce the rights of search so recently 
granted to him.^ Spilman appealed, as before, to the Lords 
of the Council, and a letter of remonstrance, signed by the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Keeper, Sir Robert 
Cecil, and five other members of that body, was thereupon 
sent to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. 

They commence by stating the substance of the grant made 
by the Queen to Spilman 4 in regarde, both of his extra - 
ordinarye charge and troble in first devizeinge that arte in 



Englande, and for manye other considerations/ This grant, 
they say, ' he hath quiettlye- enjoyed . . . almost fourteen 
yeares together, without any manner of disturbaunce,' thus 
ignoring his dispute with the Buckinghamshire paper-makers. 
Spilman has now informed them that by an Act of the 
Common Council ' manye thinges touchinge the gatheringe of 
ragges and stuffe ' have been ordered, ' tendeinge to the 
prejudice of his graunte.' * Now of late tyme,' they continue, 
' by occasion of an offer of benifitt made by another to the 
cittye for the sole collectinge of such ragges and stuffe, you 
have not onlye resisted him in his . . . previelidge, but 
altogether forbiden him the use of the same within the Cittye 
and the liberties therof, excepte he will come to some compo- 
sition with you for itt.' Such proceedings they think ' verve 
strange,' wherefore they ' praye and requiour ' the Corporation 
' to have a just regarde of her Majestie's graunt to Mr. 
Spilman, and not to suffer, for any triffle or benifitt to the 
Cittye, her Majestie's letters patentes to be so dishonnoured 
and abused, who otherwise cannot but be verye sensible 
therof, as of a great indignitye offered to herselfe.' They 
would * wishe ' the Corporation rather to offer Spilman their 
* favourable aide and assistaunce ' according to the injunctions 
of the letters patent and the letters of assistance possessed by 

The mild tone of this remonstrance shows that it was 
inspired by a knowledge of the discontent excited by the 
monopolies then rapidly coming to a head. A like knowledge 
of the popular feeling towards such concessions enabled the 
Corporation to respectfully decline to accede to the demands 
made upon them. 

In their reply, dated May 21, 1601, tjiey give 4 all due 
reverence ' to her Majesty's letters patent ' as beseemeth good 
and faithfull subjects, but,' they continue, ' forasmuch as the 
said Mr. Spilman, under colour of his said license, beegan to 
incroach and offer wrong to the charters of this citie, by 
authorizing great numbers of poor people, specially girles and 
vagrant weoman, to collect ragges and other stuff for that use 
within this citie and liberties thearof, who, under pretence of 



that service, rang'd abroad in every street, begging openly at 
men's doores, wheareby the discipline of this citie for the 
restreint of that disorder was soomthing weakned and in- 
fringed (the sayd poor people soomtymes assayeing to steale 
and pilfer, from out of houses and from the stalles, such small 
wares and thinges portable as they could gett and convey 
away), and thinking it more convenient for this citie, in the 
gathering of such refuse stuff, to imploy rather our own poor, 
beeing otherwise ydle (whearof are many within every warde), 
it was thought meet by a Common Councell to take order, that 
none other should bee suffred to walke abroad throughout the 
streetes for the collecting of such stuff, but such only as 
should be licensed by the Governours of Brydewell, for th' 
use and benefitt of that house, the charge wheareof is farr 
greater then the revennue that beelonges unto it.' 

They are willing, as becomes good subjects, to ' rather 
further then bee any hindrance ' to Spilman exercising the 
privileges granted to him outside the liberties of the City. 
Within their own jurisdiction they hope the Council will 
permit them to adopt these, and any other measures they 
may deem expedient, for the relief of their poor, of whom 
they have great numbers, and that they ' will not suffer the 
same to be incroaehed upon nor carryed away by any other, 
specially one of a foreyn country.' 

With respect to the reason alleged for the issue of the 
patent, one they suppose put forward by Spilman — 'his owne 
desert that hee was the first that devised that art of making 
paper within this realm,' they say * wee cannot but note the 
errour of that suggestion, for that divers others before him 
have perfourmed the same, and have erected paper milnes as 
well at Osterby (sic) neer this citie, as at Cambridg, Worces- 
tershire, and other places of this realm.' 

In the same year (1601) there was an action pending in the 
Court of Chancery in which Eobert Style and Edward 
Marshall were plaintiffs and Spilman defendant. The plead- 
ings in this action, if found, might throw some light upon 
the nature of the arrangements Spilman made with those 
paper-makers who had obtained his license to carry on their 


business. The only document in the action consulted for these 
notes is an order reciting a report made by Francis Bacon, 
one of the Masters of the Court, to whom the dispute was 
referred for settlement by an earlier order of January 23, 
1601. Bacon drew up an agreement, to be entered into by 
the parties to the suit, whereby amongst other things it was 
arranged ' that the playntyf Style doe surrender upp his lease, 
and that he enter into bonde not to intermeddle in buyeinge 
or provyding any stuffe for the making of paper, or buylding, 
using, or keeping any paper mill, wherein any manner of 
paper shalbe made,' and that Spilman delyver him (Marshall, 
the ether plaintiff), necessary stuffe for hys owne mill as yt 
ys covenaunted in the lease, and further the said Marshall 
ys to pay the somme of foure poundes, eleven shillinges, 
seaven pence, for stuffe which heretofore he hath had.' On 
August 21 it was ordered by the Court that the plaintiffs 
should carry out the covenants of this agreement unless ' at 
the next generall seale ' they should show good cause to the 
contrary. This not being done by them, the agreement was 
confirmed by a final order of the Court dated October 7. 

In this same year (1601) the resentment against the 
monopolies created by Queen Elizabeth had increased to such 
an extent that heated debates on the subject occupied the 
attention of Parliament, ending in the passing of an Act 
which was so ingeniously worded that it left the monopolies 
much as they were before. The Queen, however, thought it 
prudent to promise that they should be abolished, a promise 
which, it is said, was not strictly kept. Whether the mono- 
poly held by Spilman was then cancelled has not been ascer- 
tained, but it is named amongst others in a list of such 
exclusive concessions drawn up about this time, though with 
what object does not appear. 

Mr. Page says that Spilman's mills ' remained to recent 
times.' On the other hand, Hasted says : ' The manor of 
Bignor, with the rights belonging to it, after some inter- 
mediate owners, passed into the name of Coote, at which 
time there was a large manufactory of gunpowder carried on 
at it by Messrs. Pike & Edsall, the mills for which were 



built on the site of the other mills belonging to the Priory as 
before mentioned. They afterwards purchased the freehold 
of the manor, and, on the death of Mr. Pike, Mr. Edsall 
became solely possessed of it, and was succeeded in it by his 
son, Mr. Thomas Edsall, who in 177S becoming a bankrupt, 
it was sold by his assignees to Messrs. Pigou & Andrews, 
who now possess it, and carry on the above manufacture at it 
to a very large extent.' In another passage he says : ' Besides 
the powder mills, first erected by Sir John Spilman as a 
paper mill, as before mentioned, situated a quarter of a mile 
above the town, there is a paper mill at a small distance from 
it, where there was one so early as 1590, erected by one 
George Box, of Liege, for the cutting of iron bars into rods, 
and for the more easy converting of that metal to different 
uses.' He also refers to other mills at- Dartford, but none of 
them connected with the manufacture of paper. 

Possibly other references to the manufacture of paper 
could be found in the Calendars of Domestic State Papers, 
but the next Crown grant relating to any invention in the 
industry appears to be letters patent issued on February 16, 
1666, to Charles Hildyerd, Esquire, protecting an invention 
by him for making ' blew paper used by sugar bakers and 

On January 21, 1675, a patent was granted to Eustace 
Burneby, Esquire, for making 1 all sortes of white paper for 
the use of writing and printing, being a new manufacture 
and never before practised ' in England. 

Patents relating to the industry now become more frequent. 
The next is dated July 10, 1682, and was issued to Nathaniel 
Bladen, of the Inner Temple, London, Esquire, who, it says, 
' hath attained to the art and knowledge of an. engine, method, 
and mill, whereby hempe, flax, lynnen, cotton, cordage, silke, 
woollen, and all sorts of materiall, whereof all manner past- 
board and of paper for writing, printing, and for all other 
sorts of uses hath beene, or may be, made, are prepared, and 
wrought, into paper and pastboard, much speedier and cheaper 
than by the milles now used.' 

On August 10 in the same year a patent was granted to 



George Hager, Gentleman, for * a new & extraordinary way of 
making paper by sizing all sortes & kindes of white, blue, 
purple, and other coloured papers & pastboardes whatsoever 
in the mortar, whereby the sizing is totally intermixed & 
incorporated in the masse, whereas in the way now practized 
the sizing is received but superficially, conduceing to the 
bettering & making the said comodities more dureable & 

The next grant was made on August 6, 1684, to Robert 
Fuller, ' Baysmaker,' who stated in his petition as related in 
the letters patent, ' that hee hath with great care, industry 
& charge, found out the art and mistery for makeing of paper 
and pastboardes in whole sheets, without peiceing, for hott 
and cold pressing of cloath, which will be of great advantage 
to the woollen manufacture, and never before practised in 

The last grant issued by Charles II. was dated October 11 
in the same year, and protected an invention of Christopher 
Jackson, of Either, in the county of York, Gentleman, who 
claimed ' that by his great industry and expense in improving 
the art and mistery of making writing and printing paper (a 
manufacture much wanting in this nation), hee hath made 
great progresse therein, and amongst severall other improve- 
ments hath invented a mill or engine, either for wind or 
water, which dissolveth, whiteneth, and grindeth raggs, and 
prepareth all other materialls whereof paper and pastboard 
hath been or may be made, in farr less tyme then the mills 
hitherto in use doe, being a new invention never yet practiced 
in this kingdom.' 

The statement made by the next inventor to whom letters 
patent were issued, John Briscoe, is much more pretentious. 
This grant, made by James II. on July 4, 1685, says that 
4 John Briscoe, by hi3 humble petition, hath represented unto 
ns that, with great paines, study, and charge, in many experi- 
ments [he] att last hath invented and found out the true and 
proper art and way of making English paper for writing, 
printing, and other uses, both as good and serviceable in all 
respects, and especially as white, as any French or Dutch 



paper (which hath been the great defect of all other pre- 
tenders and undertakers, who have hitherto had patents for 
making paper here), and that by such meanes and methodes 
as have not hitherto been found out or practised in our 
dominions, whereby much advantage will redound to the 
public by that manufactures being made att home. & great 
numbers of poor people employed thereupon.' 

Each of the inventions described in the grants made by 
Charles II. and James II. were protected for a term of fourteen 
years, a period nxed by a pro vision of the Statute of Mono- 
polies of 1624. It follows, therefore, that at the dare of the 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, October *25, 1685. all the 
seven grants were still in force, except that made to Hildyerd 
in 1666. 

Unfortunately, none of the grants state where the patentee 
had erected, or intended to erect, the mills in which his 
invention would be put in practice. Other documerj:?. how- 
ever, to be referred to later, show that Eager at one time had 
two mills, one at Ensham and another at Stanwell. 

No other patents for inventions in paper-making were 
issued in England until after the Revocation of the Z lict of 
Xantes, when it is claimed by the historians of the Huguenots 
that a great improvement in the manufacture was introduced 
by such of them as took refuge here. 

Reviewing the nine patents for inventions so far described, 
it will be noticed that, with two exceptions, all of them, from 
that of Spilman in the reign of Elizabeth to that of Briscoe 
issued shortly before the Revocation, were for making a paper 
either described as white or as adapted for writing and print- 
ing. Now it is stated by the chief authority on the industries 
practised by French Protestants both in their native country 
and after their dispersion that the only kind made in England 
was ' a brownish and very coarse paper.' Similar sntements 
are made by other historians of the French refugees, but it 
will be seen that the assertion was contradicted by the 
English manufacturers when the White Paper-makers' Com- 
pany, founded mainly by exiles from France, sought to 
extend their powers by Act of Parliament in the reign of 
William III. 



An English authority states that ' hardly any sort of 
paper, except Ijrown, was made here previously to the Revoca- 
tion,' thus acknowledging that other qualities than the inferior 
brown sorts had been made to some extent. 

The whiteness of paper naturally depended upon the 
quality of the linen rags used in its manufacture, and it has 
been said that the inferiority of English paper was due partly 
to the scarcity of linen rags, linen being a fabric not worn so 
much here as in more southern countries, and partly to the 
poorer quality of such linen as was available. It will be 
remembered that Spilman had a difficulty in obtaining a 
sufficiency of linen rags for the white paper he claimed to be 
able to make. 

But had the scarcity of linen been the sole cause of the 
limited quantity of white paper made here, the difficulty could 
have been met by importations from abroad, and that there 
were such importations can no doubt be easily proved from 
the printed statutes and other sources. 

Possibly the true explanation of the inferiority of English 
paper is that afforded by another English writer : ' We believe, 
however, that it is owing rather to the want of skill than, as 
has been sometimes supposed, to the inferior quality of the 
linen of this country, that the manufacture of paper was not 
carried on with much success in England till a comparatively 
recent period/ 

It has been contended that some of the terms still used in 
paper-making afford a proof that either French or Flemish 
workmen were employed in the manufacture of the first fine 
white paper made in this country. ' Thus, in Kent, the man 
who lays the sheets on the felts is the coucher ; the fateman, 
or vatman, is the Flemish fassman ; and the room where the 
finishing operations are performed is still called the salle: 
It is true that the later French refugees are said to have 
established mills in ' various parts of Kent, at Maidstone, and 
along the Darent,' but the accuracy of the statement has not 
been checked. On the other hand, the alien Spilman of 
Elizabeth's reign carried on the manufacture at Dartford, in 
Kent, at a time when large numbers of Flemish refugees and 



a few French had found shelter in the south-eastern counties, 
especially in Kent, and such terms may be due to them. 

It is said that large quantities of white paper had been 
imported into England prior to the Revocation, and no doubt 
such imported paper was used for official purposes. Still, if it 
were possible for an expert to identify any of the paper made 
here as being of native manufacture, by marks or otherwise* 
a comparison between it and foreign-made paper might show 
how far the assertion as to the poorer quality of English 
paper can be justified. The Domestic State Papers, Barons', 
Depositions, and Affidavits preserved at the Public Record 
Office are all written on paper, and. as all. these documents 
originated in this country, some of the paper used for them 
may be of English manufacture. A comparison of the paper 
upon which they are written with that coming from abroad to 
be found in the Foreign Correspondence at the Record Office 
might therefore be instructive. 

Referring to the injury caused to French industries by the 
Revocation, one of the writers just quoted states with regard 
to paper-making that ' the rich manufacturers of Ambert, and 
a great number of their workmen, left the country ; which, as 
is admitted by the Intendant d'Ormesson, chat zealous partisan 
of the Revocation, greatly diminished the lucrative trade in 
paper, and closed most of the mills. 

4 The paper manuf acturers of Angoumois were reduced 
from sixty to sixteen mills at work by the departure of the 
masters, and of their workmen who followed them, some out 
of religious sympathy, others because they found it their 
interest so to do.' 

Another writer says that previous to the Revocation 
England had imported paper from Auvergne, Poitou, 
Limousin, Champagne, and Normandy, from which it is to 
be presumed the manufacture had been carried on in each 
of these provinces. 

Naturally, the refugees endeavoured to practise their trades 
in the several countries in which they found shelter.. > 

In Brandenburg, where they were received so kindly, 
Francis Fleureton, a refugee from Grenoble, established a 



• jper manufactory with the assistance of the Elector 
Frederick William. This mill was apparently at Burg-au- 
<Ier-Ihle. Mills for making line paper were also established 
at Berlin and other places about the same time. 

Holland, though possessed of ancient paper mills, had 
imported hitherto part of the white paper used by its printers 
from Ambert and xlngouleme. ' One of the first manu- 
factories in the Angoumois, employing no less than five 
hundred workmen, was conducted by the two brothers 
Vincent, one of whom resided at Amsterdam, and the other 
.it Angouleme. By the intervention of the Count d'Avaux 
the latter obtained a passport for Holland, whither he had 
been preceded by most of his workmen. Other manufacturers 
followed this example, and the French Ambassador soon 
informed his Court that their paper-mills succeeded perfectly.' 

Certain of the refugees who had already found shelter in 
England were not slow in taking advantage of this condition 
of affairs. Indeed, it is evident that they must have taken 
measures to secure a share of the trade in making the higher 
classes of paper prior to the Revocation. The Revocation was 
signed in the last week of October 1685, and by the beginning 
of the second week of the December following they had 
'already set up several new invented mills and engines 
not heretofore used in England,' had ' brought out of France 
excellent workemen,' and had 4 made severall quantities of 
paper.' This James II., quoting a petition presented by them, 
states that they had done, ' being encouraged by us to improve 
the art of making all sorts of writeing and printing paper, and 
to imprint our armes upon such paper.' 

This petition, which is not now extant, was presented to 
the King by Nicholas Dupein, Adam de Cardonell, Elias de 
Gruchee, Marin Eegnault, James de May, and Robert Shales, 
and it prayed for a grant of letters patent to them ' for the 
sole exerciseing of the said art ' on the ground of their 
' haveing been at vast charges in the premisses ' and of 
their 1 engageing the French artificers to instruct in the 
said art such English persons as the petitioners shall take 
for apprentices.' 


The petition having been approved, a royal warrant was 
issued on December 9, 1685, to the Attorney- or Solicitor- 
General, directing him to prepare a bill for the King's 
signature, and on January 9, 1686, letters patent were issued 
granting the privileges desired for a term of fourteen years. 

It is to be observed that the petitioners for this patent did 
not claim to be inventors of new methods of making paper, 
though they had ' sett up several new invented mills and 
engines for niakeing thereof.' It would thus appear that 
they had simply introduced new methods which had been 
invented, and had possibly already been put in practice 
abroad. In connection with this the following statement may 
be quoted : ' By the Statute of Monopolies patents for fourteen 
years may be granted for the " sole working or making of 
any manner of new manufactures within this realm." The 
interpretation put upon this is, that " a person who first 
imports an invention publicly known abroad into this country 
is the first inventor within these realms." ' 

The holders of a patent worded in this manner might well 
be tempted to believe that they had practically a monopoly of 
the manufacture of white paper, and it can be imagined that 
they might easily become involved in disputes with inventors 
already possessing the royal licence for making paper, and 
still more easily with the owners of mills established without 
such authority. 

It is therefore not surprising to find in a few months' time 
the same persons petitioning the Crown for further privileges. 
On this occasion they desired to be incorporated into a 
Company resembling those of the City of London. The 
Company was to have a capital of about 100,000/., and was 
evidently intended to carry on the business of paper-making 
on so large a scale that smaller manufacturers would be 
compelled either to seek admission into it or be ruined by 

To carry out so vast an enterprise they had associated 
themselves with twenty-eight other persons, half of whom at 
least bore French names, while one of the Englishmen was 
John Briscoe, the holder of the patent issued in the previous 



year for making paper 1 as white as any French or Dutch 

The full list of the petitioners is as follows : — 

D. Juichard Robert Shales 

Anth. Cornwell Louis Fleurie 

John Pettit Henry Longueville 

W™ Hiccocks Claude Bourdiers 

Nic° Cutler Richard Saunders 

William Dodd Paul Couraud 

John Curtis Desboucheris Marbeuf 

Paul Dupain James Peltier 

W m Hester B. Perreau 

Abr a Wessell John Briscoe 

Edward Clark Nicholas Dupein 

Robert Hill John Dunston 

Edw d Middleton Adam de Cardonnell 

Adam de Cardonnell, jun 1 ' Peter de Lannoy 

Rich d Huffam Elias de Gruchee 

John Cranmer Richard Sprigge 

James de May Marin Regnault 

In their petition they state that at great expense they had 
brought the making of the best and finest sorts of writing and 
printing paper to perfection ; that the manufacture will 
employ thousands of workmen, and will stop vast sums of 
money leaving the kingdom to pay for imported paper ; but 
that, notwithstanding they have a patent for the manufacture,, 
they 'meet with insupportable difficultys and run great 
hazards, which can noe way be prevented but by incorpo- 
rating them.' 

The petition, as is customary, was favourably received 
by the King, and on June 13, 1686, was referred to the 
Attorney- or Solicitor-General ' to consider of such heads 
and power 3 ' as his Majesty might fitly grant, and to report 
to his Majesty. 

On June 29 Sir Robert Sawyer, the x\ttorney-General, sent 
the ' heads ' as commanded, whereupon, on July 3, a royal 
warrant was issued directing him to draw up a Bill for the 



proposed incorporation, inserting in it such clauses as were 
contained in the ' paper of heads ' and such others as he 
should ' judge requisite.' 

After the matter had passed through the usual subsequent 
stages the incorporation was at length effected by letters 
patent issued on July 23, 1686. By this grant John Dunston 
was made first Governor of the new Company, Nicholas 
Dupein, Deputy-Governor, and John Briscoe and twelve others 
Assistants. Like the Governor and Deputy-Governor, all 
the Assistants with the exception of Nathaniel Bladen appear 
as signatories to the petition, and Bladen, like Briscoe, was 
the holder of a patent for an invention for paper-making, in 
his case granted in 1682. In addition to Nicholas Dupein, 
three others of the six grantees of the patent of January were 
members of the governing body of the Company, Adam de 
Cardonnell, Elias de Gruchee, and Robert Shales having been 
nominated Assistants. 

Another of the Assistants to whom attention may be 
called was Paul Dupein, for it is said that the number of 
paper-mills founded in Holland ' in the first years of the 
Refuge was so considerable, and the throng of workmen from 
all parts of France so great, that it was found necessary to 
send many of the latter to England, where most of them 
found employment in a large manufactory in London, directed 
by Paul Dupein.' In another passage the writer here quoted 
says: * The first* manufactories of fine white paper were 
founded in London in 1685 and 16S6 by French workmen from 
Casteljaloux, Thiers, Ambert, and especially from Angouleme/ 

Now, neither in the grant of January, in the incorporation 
of July, nor in any of the documents preliminary to them, 
is any information afforded as to the situation of the mills 
erected by Nicholas Dupein and his partners. In the incor- 
poration the King directed that the Company should 'hold 
and keep a Court in some hall or place within our City of 
London,' but no statement is made as to the situation of any 
of the mills. The 1 large manufactory ' in London, ' directed 
by Paul Dupein,' may have been one in which he acted as 
manager on behalf of the Company ; on the other hand, in 
spite of his being a shareholder, it may have been a mill 



worked independently of the Company. As, however, the 
incorporation provided for the acquisition by the Company 
of inventions which had been successfully put in practice, it 
is probable that if Paul Dupein had possessed a mill of his 
own, he would have amalgamated his business with that of 
the Company, like John Briscoe, Nathaniel Bladen, and 
Nicholas Bupein and his associates. It would thus appear 
that there were paper-mills in London worked by the refugees 
and probably owned by the Company, but in what part of 
London it is difficult to imagine. The only mills known 
to have been erected at any time in the neighbourhood of 
London appear to be the ' Royal Paper Mills of Wandsworth,' 
and they were established at a much later date, though it is 
to be remembered that there was a settlement of French 
refugees at Wandsworth. 

In spite of the Company being the holders of three 
patents for inventions in paper-making, those granted to 
Nicholas Dupein and his partners, to Briscoe, and to Bladen 
respectively, and in spite of their vast means and their being 
possessed of the royal favour, they still found themselves in 
conflict with other manufacturers in the struggle to secure a 
share of the valuable trade now being lost by France. 

An instance of what would seem to be an attempt to 
resist their obtaining a monopoly of the business is probably 
alluded to in a warrant issued on March 10, 1687, by Lord 
Sunderland, one of the principal Secretaries of State, direct- 
ing ' one of his Maj ty " 3 Messengers to summon on behalfe of 
the White Paper Makers ' the following persons ' to attend 
his Maj ty in Councill on Friday, the 11 th day of this instant 
March, at 4 in the afternoon : ' 

* John West and John Wells, of the White Horse in 
Staines ; 

' Nicholas Mercier, at Wraisbury Mill 

' Bridgett Mynden, at the Pied Lyon in Hounslo 

* Cornelius Brescoll 

* Thomas Hyllyard 

' Mrs. Merrikin, at the Royal, in the Pall Mall 

' And W m Sheild, in Great Russell Street.' 

vol. vm. — NO. II. P 


The Minute or Act Books of the Privy Council might 
possibly throw more light upon this matter. It may be that 
there were paper-mills at Staines and "Wraisbury, and per- 
haps Thomas Hyllyard was the successor in business of the 
Charles Hildyerd, the patentee of 1666. 

Another instance of an alleged infringement of their 
privileges is found in an action in the Court of King's Bench, 
in which Theodore Janssen ; was condemned at then prose- 
cution & for injury done to them ' to pay a fine of 300?. 
The Company petitioned the King for a grant of this fine, 
and on June 10, 1687, their petition was referred to the 
consideration of the Commissioners of the Treasury, who 
were directed to report what the King might ? fitly do in this 

Not only were the Company thus engaged in a struggle 
to maintain a monopoly of the manufacture of the better 
sorts of white paper by the methods they claimed to have 
introduced, but it is said that even the workmen they had 
brought over to this country from France were enticed away 
by 'emissaries of Louis XIV. 

It is to be remarked that these artificers are alluded to in 
the letters patent of January 9, 16S6, and it has been shown 
that they must have arrived and been put to work some time 
before December 9, 16S5. It is therefore somewhat strange 
that they are not mentioned in the charter of incorporation 
of July 23, 1686. This would almost seem to confirm the 
assertion that they had been induced to leave their employ- 
ment and return to France. 

In Holland the French Ambassador, Count d'Avaun. was 
employed in endeavouring to bring about the return of the 
refugees to their native country. In England the task was 
entrusted to a special envoy, the Marquis de ' Bourepaus. 
His instructions were dated December 20, 1685, and con- 
tained the following passages : 

' The conversion of heretics being one of the things his 
Majesty has most at heart, and passionately desiring to 
bring back to the Church those of his subjects whom the 
misfortune of their birth has. separated from it, and to recall 



to France those who, from a religious caprice, have quitted it, 
the Sieur de Bourepaus will take all possible pains, as well 
by himself as by the persons he may think proper to make 
use of, to know all the French who have retired into England; 
and, after having examined their conduct and penetrated 
their intentions, he will endeavour, with address, to induce 
them to return to their homes, by facilitating the means of 
their so doing, and by proposing to each those things to 
which they are likely to be most alive, and which may the 
most contribute to make them listen with docility to the 
reasons he has to urge to induce them to be converted. . . . 
He will have money given to those who have need of it to 
reach their homes, and will provide them with letters to the 
intendant of their gtntralitL' 

Bourepaus was well received by James II., and, aided by 
Barrillon, the French Ambassador in London, and by spies 
named Forant, Le Danois, and Robert, he met with a certain 
measure of success. ' In the course of some months ' he 
succeeded ' in sending back to France five hundred and seven 
of the fugitives, a list of whom he forwarded to Seignelay.' 
' Those who returned to France were directed by Louis XIV.'s 
agents to Chateauneuf, who received them upon their landing 
at Dunkirk and gave them money.' This repatriation of 
the refugees is said to have ceased with the accession of 
William III. 

The reports of Bourepaus to his Government are well 
known, and an examination of them might show if paper- 
makers were amongst the refugees whom he induced to return 
to France, and, if so, possibly might afford some hint as to 
the situation of the mills in England where they had been 

Barrillon, the French Ambassador here, ' succeeded,' it is 
said, 'by the same means Bourepaus had employed, in de- 
stroying the manufactories they (the paper makers) founded in 
their new country. To the workmen of a single manufactory 
he distributed 2,300 livres to induce them to return to 
France. Six months later, he informed Louis XIV. that he 
had just expended 1,150 livres to send across the Channel the 



last five French paper-makers in England.' It is probably 
the ' excellent workemen ? *' brought out of France ' by Nicholas 
Dupein and his partners who are here referred to, and 
possibly they vrere replaced by the refugees sent from Holland 
■when then* numbers in that country were found too great to 
admit of their obtaining employment : though having no- 
precise dates to work with, it may be that the passage just- 
quoted refers to both classes. 

By the use of the word 1 destroying ' the writer here 
quoted evidently intended to assert that the working of the 
mills established by the refugees was discontinued, for his 
next sentence is ' But in the reign of William III. the Pro- 
testants re-opened the manufactories/ There is, however, no 
reason to suppose that the mills were closed in consequence of 
Barrillon's action. The statement as to the re-opening of the 
mills in the reign of TVilliam III. is no doubt an assumption 
equally erroneous and based upon the fact that an Act of 
Parliament, now to be referred to, was passed in that reign for 
the further promotion of the industry. 

By one of the clauses of the Charter incorporating the 
Company the King undertook to give the royal assent to any 
Bill which might pass through Parliament for the furtherance 
of the objects of the Company. By other clauses the Company 
was to have 1 perpetual succession/ but the special privileges 
granted to it with regard to the actual manufacture of paper 
were only to last for a term of fourteen years. 

The Company soon found it advisable to take advantage 
of the first mentioned of these clauses, for before thre years 
had elapsed, though another King. William III. was now on 
the throne, a Private Act with the title ' An Act for the better 
encouraging and better establishing the manufacture of White 
Paper in this Kingdome ? was introduced in the House of 
Commons. On May 13. 1690. it was taken up to the House of 
Lords, and was read there the first time the next day. On 
this latter day a petition against the Bill was presented by 
the flavor. Aldermen, and other inhabitants of Chipping 
Wycombe. On the 15th the Bill was read a second time and 
was referred to a Committee of the whole House to sit on the 



17th, and it was ordered that the petitioners from Chipping 
Wyconibe should be heard the same day by Counsel, and the 
like direction was given with regard to two other petitions 
received from the Ancient Paper-makers of this Kingdom and 
•the Dean and Canons of Windsor respectively. On the 16th 
it was ordered that the following persons should attend on 
the 17th as witnesses on behalf of the Bill : 

Thomas Fennell W m Rogers 

Sam : Hool Tho : Jones 

William Tindall Dennis 

W m Allen Jos : Knight 

Philadelphia Cotterell James Matthews 

Sam Antrim Jn° Coleman 

Edw : Highmore Bethel Goodwin 

Nath : Gannocke Slingsby Bethell, Esquire 

Tho : Dawson Jos : Church 

Henry Badland Tho : Alsop 

Jer : Taylor 

It was the same day also ordered that the following 
persons should attend at the same time as witnesses against 
the Bill : 

Dennis Manez, Esquire Dermis 

Berreau William Sutton 

It will be seen later that one of these witnesses against 
the Bill, William Sutton, was a paper-maker, and probably 
the other three hostile witnesses were also owners of mills. 

Nothing is known as to the connection of any of the 
witnesses in favour of the Bill with the manufacture of paper 
■except in the case of Edward Highmore, and he ,vill be 
referred to later as well as William Sutton, one of the hostile 
witnesses. It may be presumed, however, that the other three 
witnesses against the Bill were, like Sutton, paper-makers. 
It is to be noticed that the name of Dennis appears in each list. 

When the House met on the 17th it was ' put into a 
Committee to hear Counsel of several persons what they 
<could offer against the passing of the Bill.' 

Amongst these ' several persons ' were those who opposed 




the Bill by petition. The following is an abstract of the 
petition by the Mayor, Aldermen, and other inhabitants of 
Chipping Wycombe : 

'In the parish of Chipping Wycombe there are eight 
paper-mills, employing fifty families in making white paper. 
Most of the paper-makers have been bred apprentices to the 
trade, and can and do make good white printing paper. If 
they should be prohibited from making any such white paper 
above four shillings a ream, as by a restraining clause of the 
Bill now before their Lordships is proposed, they and their 
families or the greatest part of them, will in a short time 
inevitably become chargeable to the said parish, where they 
are legally settled inhabitants, having been brought up to no 
other trade. Petitioners are exceedingly burdened with poor, 
and if the said paper-makers likewise become chargeable, 
Petitioners and the rest of the inhabitants will not be able to* 
pay taxes and provide for them, but will be intolerably 
oppressed and utterly impoverished. Pray their Lordships 
to prevent the passing of the Bill with the said clause of 

The petition of 'the Ancient Paper-makers of this King- 
dom ' sets forth that one Briscoe, Bladen, and others obtained 
letters patent from James II. to be a corporation and have the 
sole making of white writing and printing paper, they not 
being the inventors of the said art. These letters patent, 
being the grant of a plain monopoly, were void in the law, as 
all grants of that kind are, being contrary to the common law 
and statute laws of this realm, and against the benefit and 
liberty of the subject. The Bill is to confirm and establish 
these letters patent, and to disable Petitioners from making 
any paper above 4s. the ream, which will ruin above a 
thousand families of paper-makers who have served their 
apprenticeships and are more skilled in the art than the 
patentees, and have time out of mind made paper from 3s. to 
20s. the ream. Several of Petitioners have taken long leases 
of paper-mills at great rents, some at 701., others at 80/. per 
annum, and contracted for making great quantities of paper, 
which mills will become useless if the Bill passes. The 



granting to particular persons the sole power of making paper 
will enable them to advance the price of paper as high as 
they please, which will be grievous to the subject ; whereas, 
the manufacture of paper being free and without restraint to 
Petitioners, there will constantly follow a far greater supply of 
all sorts of white writing and printing paper for the necessary 
use of this kingdom, and will prevent the ingrossing the same 
by the patentees, who have hitherto employed but rive mills, 
or not the twentieth part of those employed by Petitioners, 
Petitioners conceive that an Act of this kind is without pre- 
cedent, and by its example may prove mischievous to all 
trades. Pray to be heard against the Bill.' 

This petition, being signed, affords the names of several 
of those who must have been the more important of the 
English paper-makers outside the Company. The names 
are : 

Edward Spycer \ John Slocombe 

The John West was, no doubt, the person of that name 
summoned at the instance of the Company to appear before 
the Privy Council by the warrant of March 10, 1687. 

The third petition, that of the Dean and Canons of 
Windsor, was to the effect that ' the Bill, notwithstanding the 

proviso inserted by the Commons, will damnify the 

Church of Windsor in its inheritance to the value of near 
1001. per annum.' 

It will be noticed that the petitioners from Chipping 
Wycombe asserted that the mills of their town made * good 
white printing paper,' and their objection to being restricted 
to the making of paper not above 4s. the ream shows that 
they considered the mills capable of manufacturing paper ot 
higher quality. 

by their 

John West 
Ei chard West 
Thomas Morris 
William Russell 
Alexandar Bussell 
James West 

George Gill 
Robert Slade 
William Blackwell 


The 4 Ancient Paper-makers ' are more definite in their 
assertions. They boldly claim that they are more skilled in 
the manufacture than the promoters of the Bill, and have 
long made paper of the higher grades, including paper of 
four times the price to which it is sought to restrict them. 
They also deny that the White Paper-makers' Company were 
the inventors of the art of making 4 white writing and printing 
paper,' evidently meaning that of superior quality. This 
latter statement is at variance with the position taken up by 
most writers narrating the part played by the French refugees 
in the progressive improvement of the manufacture. On the 
one hand, it is fairly certain that these writers knew very 
little about the earlier history of the manufacture in this 
country, and in many cases one writer has simply copied from 
another without verifying the facts. 

The counsel appearing on behalf of the Bill were Mr. 
Ward and Mr. Darnell ; those against the Bill were Serjeant 
Thompson ' for several paper-makers,' Sir William Williams 
for the Dean and Canons of Windsor, and Mr. Trevor 4 for 
Petitioners ' — which petitioners is not stated, but apparently 
it was those from Chipping Wycombe. 

On behalf of the petitioners it was contended that it could 
not be denied that they made ' very good paper ' before the 
White Paper-makers' Company had set up their ' pretence,' 
and again : ' We made as fine as these men before the French 
paper came to England.' Knowing this, it was with the hope 
of obtaining a monopoly and preventing competition that the 
Company obtained its patent. Now that the importation of 
paper from France is prohibited (owing to England being at 
war with that country), ' there is much expectation of ad- 
vantage in this trade.' 'Why,' it is asked, ■* should not every 
mill make as good paper as they can, and sell it at the 
highest price that may be ? ' ' We desire only to have leave 
to make as good as we can. We desire but the same e iual 
liberty with them.' The Bill was simply ' a design to set up 
the lucre of private persons,' and the paper they made was 
sold cheaper in France. Besides, it was complained, the 
Company ' will engross all the materials of white paper ; ' 



indeed, one of the counsel says 'they have engrossed all 
the rags about the town.' Mr. Trevor states that the mills he 
represents 1 can now make no paper at all. The Corporation, 
they say, will employ you, but they are settled here, and 
cannot follow to other places.' Serjeant Thompson states : 
* They have go f - a proviso to take our mills of us.' ' At the 
House of Commons there is seeming kindness, and we hoped 
these mills should be accepted.' For the Dean and Canons 
of Windsor it is asserted : ' That which concerns the Dean of 
Windsor L the case of every particular mill. We will not, 
says the Chapter, wrong our tenants to set up others, and if 
this project takes, our mills must be let to whom they please.' 

On behalf of the promoters of the Bill it was contended 
that no paper of a higher price than -is. a ream had been 
made but by the Company, and that only through the 
inventions introduced by them. The petitioners, Mr. Ward 
says, ''cannot of themselves make any higher writing and 
printing paper ; ' while Mr. Darnell goes further and says 
■ they can make no writing paper.' The latter also says ' they 
can come into the Company.' 

After the Counsel had been heard, the House was resumed, 
and the Earl of Rochester gave the House an account of what 
. was alleged by the Counsel on both sides, and told them 
'that the Committee, after some consideration, did desire 
that the House will please to appoint a Select Committee to 
consider of the Bill and the clauses in the Letters Patent 
together, and report their opinions to this House.' 

The Select Committee was thereupon appointed, consisting 
of 68 temporal and 8 spiritual peers, any 5 of them to form a 
quorum, to meet on the 19th ' at eight of the clock in the 
Prince's Lodgings.' 

On the 19th the Earl of Rochester reported that the 
Committee were of opinion that the Bill should pass ' without 
any amendment.' 

The House agreed with the Committee, the Bill was there- 
upon read a third time, then the usual formalities as to 
informing the Commons, &c., followed, and the next day, 
May 20, 1690, the Bill received the Royal assent. 



The possession of this Act did not put an end to the 
troubles of the Company, for they immediately became in- 
volved in an action commenced in the Court of Exchequer 
by William Sutton to enforce the performance of an agree- 
ment they had entered into with him while the Bill was 
passing through Parliament. 

This William Sutton was a manufacturer of paper at the 
King's Mill, Byfleet, Surrey, which he held under ' several 
leases ' from the Crown, and it will be remembered that he 
was ordered to attend in the House of Lords as one of the 
witnesses to be heard against the Bill. It appears, according 
to his own account, that he had * petitioned in the name of 
Hagar 5 against the Corporation being empowered to exclude 
other manufacturers from making white paper. If the term 
' petitioned - be correct, this was probably in the House of 
Commons, for neither he nor Hagar is mentioned as pre- 
senting a petition in the House of Lords. 1 Having subse- 
quently made the agreement referred to. he informed the 
Committee on the Bill of the fact, and the Bill was passed.' 

The Hagar here referred to was the ' George Hagar, 
Gentleman,' the inventor of a method of making white, blue, 
purple, and coloured papers, to whom letters patent were 
granted on August 10, 1682. 

Notwithstanding Hagar's description in this patent as a 
' Gentleman,' he proves to have been a dyer in partnership 
with John Catlyn. Some years prior to his obtaining this 
patent a Commission of Bankruptcy had been procured 
against him by several of his creditors, amongst them being 
one Paris Slaughter (or Sloughter), ' a Blackwell Hall factor,' 
to whom he was indebted for woad, a material which he used 
in his business as a dyer, and was probably used to produce 
his blue and purple papers. After, the story of his career 
becomes obscured by the contradictory statements made by 
the several claimants to his estate. It seems that Sutton 
greatly interested himself in Hagar's invention, and when 
the patent was obtained, in 1682, he is said to have per- 
suaded several persons to take shares in establishing mills 


for working the invention, including one Edward Highracre, 
who, it will be recalled, was a witness for the Company's Bill. 
From this time Sutton was constantly in dispute with both 
Slaughter and Highinore, who in turn quarrelled between 
themselves. Meanwhile Hagar ' leased a mill at Ensham 
(Oxfordshire), and built another at Stairwell, in Middlesex.' 
Sutton says he had advanced money to assist in establishing 
those mills, where he says Hagar ' drove a considerable trade/ 
while Slaughter states that the business ' proved to be a 
fraud.' On the death of Charles II. the first Commission of 
Bankruptcy against Hagar lapsed, and another was issued 
in 3 James II. to Commissioners alleged to have been 
nominated by Sutton, who thereupon obtained from them an 
assignment of Hagar s estate, including his patent for paper- 
making. In the course of the disputes as to the title to 
Hagar's estate a Bill was filed in Chancery by Sutton against 
Slaughter and Highmore, who in turn filed a cross Bill 
against Sutton, Hagar, and the Company at, so Sutton 
alleged, the instigation of Samuel Swynock, Merchant, who, 
as Deputy-Governor of the Company, was a party to the 
agreement concerning which Sutton filed his Bill in the Court 
of Exchequer. 

The action in Chancery of Sutton against Slaughter and 
Highmore resulted in a decree made on July 22, 1691, 
directing that the debts owing to Slaughter and Highmore 
should first be satisfied out of Hagar's estate, and that then 
Slaughter should assign the estate to Sutton. The latter 
held that the Decree was ' unjust,' and appealed against it to 
the House of Lords, where the cause was heard on Feb- 
ruary 3, 1692. and the appeal dismissed. 

The agreement entered into between Sutton and the 
Company was in part founded upon the former's supposed 
right to Hagar's patent. It was made on April 17, 1690, 
between Colonel Norton (who died shortly afterwards), then 
Governor of the Company, Samuel Swynock, Deputy-Governor, 
Eoger Gillingham, Treasurer, and John Turner, Bichard 
Sprigg, Nicholas Dupein, and John Dunston, Members of 



the Corporation of the one part, and William Sutton of the 
other part. 4 Sutton was to assign George Hagar's patent for 
making white paper to the Corporation within fourteen days 
after the passing of an Act then in agitation, the passing of 
which Sutton was to use his interest and diligence to promote, 
in return for which the Corporation, within seven days after 
the passing of the Act, were to admit him as a member and 
to assign to him four out of the four hundred original shares. 
Sutton, whether the Act passed or not, was to lease his paper 
mills at Byfleet to Duns ton and Peter Delanoy for twenty- 
one years from Midsummer next.' 

As has been already stated, Sutton filed a Bill in the 
Court of Exchequer to enforce the fulfilment of this agree- 
ment, and a Decree was made in his favour on June 29, 1691. 
Sutton was thereupon admitted a member of the Company ; 
four shares in it were given to him. An attempt was also 
made to come to an agreement with ' Hagar, the nominee of ' 
Sutton, as to the rent for the Byfleet Mills, and this failing, 
4 the Court referred the question of rent to Baron Turton, 
who fixed it at 150Z. a year.' 

An appeal was made against this Decree to the House of 
Lords, where it was alleged that -. this business or the patent 
was not worth anything, but was a cheat to Colonel Norton.' 

• The case is recorded in the papers of the House as 
* Swynock v. Sutton,' not, as might be expected, ' The White 
Paper-makers' Company v. Sutton.' This short title for the 
action was apparently used because of Swynock being the 
first surviving person of those who entered into the agree- 
ment on behalf of the Corporation. 

In his answer to the petition of appeal Sutton states that 
he was obliged to file the Bill in the Exchequer, ' being 
unable to let his mills to anybody, &c.,' in consequence of his 
agreement to lease them to the Company. 

The appeal was heard and dismissed on January 16, 
1692, so it is to be presumed that the Corporation became 
possessed of Hagar's patent and of Sutton's mills at Byfleet, 
where probably Hagar's method of making paper had been 
carried on. 

: t. 


When the White Paper-makers' Company ceased to exist, 1 
and for what reason it was dissolved, has not been ascer- 
tained. Its name does not occur amongst the Companies 
of the City of London reported upon by the Commissioners 
inquiring into Municipal Corporations in 1837, nor is it 
mentioned either in Strype's (6th) edition of Stow's Survey 
of London, published in 1754, or in Maitland's History of 
London, issued in 1739. 

The proceedings in the House of Lords during the passing 
of the Bill obtained by the Company show that the supply 
of white linen rags was limited in quantity, and that their 
importation was then forbidden. No search has been made 
to ascertain when their importation was again sanctioned, 
but no doubt the constant wars on the Continent, in which 
England was almost continuously engaged during the reigns 
of "William III. and Anne, would have had an injurious effect 
on the trade in rags even if the prohibition of their importa- 
tion had been withdrawn. 

Anyhow, having regard to the small number of patents 
for inventions in paper-making issued in England for a long 
time subsequent to the passing of the Bill, it seems either 
that the Company was able to restrict the number of possible 
competitors in the industry, or else that the trade for some 
reason or other was in too languishing a condition to attract 
the notice of inventors. 

During the remainder of the reign of William III. only 
five patents for inventions in paper-making were issued. 
These were — (1) on August 27, 1691, to John Tyzacke, for ' an 
engine for pounding and making rags fit for making paper, 
and for other similar purposes ; ' (2) on March 24, 1692, to 
Thomas Hutton, for a 1 mill driven by wind, sails, or water- 
wheels for making paper ; ' (3) on October 19, 1692, to 
William Bayley, for printing paper with all sorts of figures 
and colours with brass engines, ' without paint or stain,' such 

1 Herring (p. 39) says : ' Their undertaking . . . appears to have met with 
very little success.' He also refers to their 1 unsatisfactory practice of putting 
up each ream with two quires composed entirely of sheets spoiled in course of 
production ' 




paper being suitable for hanging in rooms ; (4) on November 6, 
1691, and October 19, 1692, to Nathaniel GifYorcl, for beauti- 
fying, figuring, imprinting and embellishing blue and other 
coloured paper ; (5) on April 6, 1695, to Peter Ver, for an 
1 engine for beautifying paper, and pasteboards for smoothing 
the same.' 

Besides these grants a petition of Peter Gualtier praying 
to be heard in support of his invention for making fine paper 
was on December 24, 1691, referred to the Attorney- or 
Solicitor-General for report. Apparently Gual tier's applica- 
tion was unsuccessful, unless he obtained a patent which has 
escaped enrolment. 

Probably three of the persons here named were foreigners, 
and it is to be noticed that Tyzacke and Gualtier are the only 
two whose inventions might have affected the interests of the 
Company, especially Gualtier's, for which, apparently, a 
patent was not obtained. 

A French refugee named Gerard de Vaux was also a 
maker of paper in the reign of William III. He does not 
appear to have obtained letters patent for any invention 
connected with the manufacture, and so far no trace of his 
being associated in any way with the White Paper-makers' 
Company has been discovered. However, as his mills were 
situated at South Stoneham, near Southampton, and he 
himself was a member of the French congregation of that 
town, he must have been well acquainted with three of the 
founders of the Company who were members of the same 
congregation. These were Adam de Cardonnell, senior, who 
served as elder of the church for forty-eight years, Adam his 
son, who was baptized there, and Elias de Gruchee. 

The register of the church shows that De Vaux had come 
from Castres, in Haut Languedoc, and had married an 
Englishwoman named Louise Abram, and it refers to him as 
' demeurant paroisse de South Stoneham aux moulins a 
papier.' The baptisms of four of his children are recorded in 
this register : Catherine, on February 26, 1694 ; Rebecca, on 
December 6, 1699 ; Catherine, cn July 20, 1702 ; and Jean 
on November 26, 1704. 



There is no mention of the establishment of the paper- 
mills, but they are referred to in* the two entries of 1694 and 
1699. On June 19, 1704, Gerard de Yaux and Marthe Le 
Grand were sponsors at the baptism of Gerard, son of 
Francois Hypeau, de Montray, en Haut Poitou, et Anne 
Guerite, de la paroisse de Francay de la mense provinal, 
tous 2 refugies, demt. paroisse de South Stoneham." Possibly, 
therefore, Hypeau was employed at the paper-mills, and it 
has been suggested that other members of the French 
congregation may have earned their livelihood at the same 

In the reign of Queen Anne it would seem that no patents 
relating in any way to paper-making were issued. In the 
reign of George I. there was but one issued, and that in 1724. 
In the reign of George II. there were only three, one of them 
being to Josias Johannot, possibly a Frenchman. There were 
but three issued in the reign of George III. prior to 1790. 
After this date they become frequent, indicating a great 
extension of the industry. 

In Scotland 1 it is said that there was little demand for 
printing paper, and that so late as 1683 there was only one 
printing-press in the. whole of the country. When an attempt 
was made to procure a licence for another it was opposed on 
the ground that i one press is sufficiently able to supply all 
Scotland.' It is not therefore surprising to find that a paper- 
mill established 4 at Dairy, on the Water of Leith,' ' about 
the middle of the seventeenth century,' proved to be a failure. 
One of the principal proprietors, Alexander Daes, is said to 
have been reduced to earn a livelihood by exhibiting an 

French workmen were employed at this mill to instruct 
the natives. What became of them is not stated ; but it is 
said that a French refugee was the first to establish a paper 

1 Herring says (p. 38) : * In 1695 a company was formed in Scotland " for 
manufacturing white writing and printing paper," relating to which " Articles 
concluded and agreed upon at a general meeting at Edinburgh, the 19th day of 
August," in the same year, may still be seen ... in the Library of the 
British Museum.' 




manufactory at Glasgow, though this would seem to be at a 
much later date. 

In Ireland the refugees do not appear to have been 
concerned in the manufacture. It may, however, be noticed 
that on January 10, 1693, George Hagar, whose relations with 
the White Paper-makers' Company have already been described 
in conjunction with' his • friend William Sutton and one 
Edmund Buckridge, obtained a royal warrant for the issue of 
letters patent under the Great Seal of Ireland, giving them 
the sole right for fourteen years to work an invention for ' an 
extraordinary art of makeing & colouring all sorts of purple, 
blue, & all other sorts of coloured paper stained in the pulp, 
. . and the art & perfection of tincturing and colouring of 
leather, so as to make it hold its colour as well as any other, 
Turkey or other leather, whatsoever.' It is quite possible that 
Hagar's ill-fortune followed him to Ireland ; for in the previous 
year a similar invention had been patented. This appears 
from a royal warrant dated February 24, 1692, directing the 
Attorney- or Solicitor-General to prepare a Bill for a grant to 
Patrick Gordon, protecting an invention by him for ' making 
blew, purple, and all sorts of paper, and pastboards, and to 
embelish and beautify the same by such ways and methods 
as were never yet used or practised by any of his Majesty's 
subjects in Ireland.' 



Vol. VIII. No. 3 

vol. vm. — no. ni. 





Wednesday, November 14, 1906. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting, held on May 9, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Miss d'Albiac, 73 The Drive, Hove, Brighton. 
Major Cyril James Davenport, V.D., F.S.A., British Museum, 

Captain Cyril George Rigby Matthey, Xewlands, The Thicket, 

John Ruault, Esq., Four Oaks, Pinner, Middlesex. 
The Public Library of Cincinnati, Ohio, U.S.A. 

A Paper was read by Mr. Charles E. Lart on ' The State 
of French Protestants after 1685.' 






Wednesday, Januauy 9, 1907. 

W. Mixet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on November 14, 1906, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

George R. Habershon, Esq., LL.B., 85 Vanbrugh Park, 

Blackheath, S.E. 
Bernard Piffard, Esq., Brockenhurst. 

Felix Granville Kubeck, Esq., 9 Manor Mansions, Belsize 

Park Gardens, Hampstead, N.W. 
Mrs. Frowd Walker, 81 Queen's Gate, S.W. 
The Library of Trinity College, Dublin. 

A Paper was read by the President entitled 1 Catholics and 
Huguenots in the Calaisis in 1612.' 






Wednesday, Maech 13, 1907. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on January 9 were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Admiral Sir Day H. Bosanquet, K.C.B., Admiralty House, 

Miss Mary Evelyn Chase, 48 Beaumont Street, Portland 
Place, W. 

William de Caux, Esq., Junior, 28 Mount Pleasant, Norwich. 
William John Hardy, Esq., F.S.A., 15 Old Square, Lincoln's 
Inn, W T .C. 

A Paper was read by Dr. J. H. Philpot entitled ' A Lost 
History of the Huguenots.' 






Wednesday, May 8, 1907. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on March 13 were read 
and confirmed. 

Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A., was elected as a 
Fellow of the Society. 

The Annual Report of the Council was read as follows : 

Report of the Council to the Twenty-third Annual General 
Meeting of the Huguenot Society of London. 

During the past year the Society has lost five Fellows by 
death and eight by withdrawal, making a total loss of thirteen, 
being exactly the same as in the year preceding. 

The number of new Fellows elected has been fifteen, 
thus making a net increase of two. 

Besides these losses among the subscribing Fellows, the 
Society has to lament that of the Rev. Henry Martyn Baird, 
sometime Professor of Greek in the University of New York, 
and one of the original Honorary Fellows elected at the 
foundation of the Society in 1885. 

The Treasurer's accompanying balance-sheet shows an 



income for the year 1906 of 673?. Is. Ad., and an expenditure 
of 5931. 2s. lid., these figures including the sum of 200/. 
taken from deposit and 100/. replaced therein. 

There is also a sum of 1,010/. 35. 8d. invested in 2| per 
Cent. Consols, and 113/. 8>\ -id. in the same as a temporary 
investment ; also 200/. on deposit and 100/. on special 

The balance at the Bank on December 31 last was 
79/. 185. 5(7. 

It is again the pleasant duty of the Council to express 
their indebtedness to the Treasurer for his willing devotion of 
much time and trouble to the accounts, and their thanks to 
the Auditors, Messrs. Eousselet and Le Bailly, and the 
honorary brokers, Messrs. Nasmith and Shephard ; nor must 
they omit, once again, to emphasize their appreciation of the 
yeoman service rendered to the Society by its Honorary 
Secretary during the past and so many previous years. 

During the past twelve months there have been issued the 
second number of the eighth volume of Proceedings, and the 
third volume of the Threadneedle Street Begisters. For 
the careful editing and indexing of this latter the Society's 
thanks are due to Mr. T. C. Colyer-Fergusson. 

The Council hoped to have been able to issue before 
to-day's Meeting the concluding part of the Returns of Aliens, 
but its completion has taken much longer than was antici- 
pated. The work itself, however, is now all finished ; the 
whole of the Index is in the printers' hands, and about half 
of it is in type : so that the early delivery of the book may 
now be looked for. 

Of the Denizations and Naturalizations, edited by Dr. 
Shaw, about two hundred pages are in type, and he hopes to 
have the whole completed by the end of the present year. 

The Portarlington Begisters are in the Press under the 
editorship of Mr. T. P. Le Fanu, ^and, as they form a thin 
volume only, will probably be ready for issue before the 
opening of the next Session. 

The third number of the eighth volume ol Proceedings 
will be ready about the same time. 



The Society will thus have fully maintained its average 
distribution of one quarto and one octavo publication per 
annum, as (including the above-mentioned items) it will have 
issued in twenty-three years twenty-four quartos and twenty- 
eight octavos. The Council believe that these works are 
generally considered by Fellows living abroad, or at a distance 
from London which precludes their attendance at the Meetings, 
as a satisfactory return for the annual subscription. They 
are also gratified to find that the Society's publications 
appear to become increasingly useful to students of Huguenot 
history, not only at home but also on the Continent and in 

The ballot was taken for the Officers and Council for the 
ensuing year, with the following result : 

Officers and Council for the year May 1907 to May 190S. 

President — William Minet, F.S.A. 
• Vice-Presidents — The Eight Hon. the Earl of Radnor ; 
Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; Piobert Hovenden, F.S.A. : 
Sir William Wyndham Portal, Bart., F.S.A. ; the Rev. George 
William Walter Minns, F.S.A. 

Treasurer — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary — Reginald Stanley Faber, F.S.A. 

Members of Council — Lieut.-General Stephen Chamier, 
C.B., R.A. ; T. C. Colyer-Fergusson ; John Courroux ; Arthur 
William Crawley-Boevey ; William John Hardy, F.S.A. ; 
Major Hugh Sandman Jeudwine, R.A. ; Edward Heathcote 
Lefroy ; Richard Arthur xAusten Leigh ; Sir Alexander Brooke 
Pechell, Bart. ; Evelyn Riviere ; William Chapman Waller, 
F.S.A. ; Allan Ogier Ward, M.D., M.R.C.S. 

The President then read his Address as follows : 






By WILLIAM MDsET, F.S.A., President. 

Five Fellows and one Honorary Fellow have been lost to the 
Society by death during the past year ; and, among these, 
the name of Henry Martyn Baird stands out pre-eminent. 
An Honorary Fellow since the foundation of the Society, he 
was born in 1832 at Philadelphia. Becoming Professor of 
Greek in the University of New Y^ork in 1859 he continued in 
that chair for no less than forty-two years. A distinguished 
historian, his attention was largely directed to Huguenot his- 
tory, where his • History of the Rise of the Huguenots,' ' The 
Huguenots and Henry of Navarre,' ' The Huguenots and the 
Revocation of the Edict,' and his ' Life of Theodore Beza,' 
stand to-day as the recognised classics on their various 
subjects, not only with the English-speaking races, but also in 
France, where they are valued as the most complete and 
valuable histories extant. He was one of the founders of the 
Huguenot Society of America, and there, as here, his death 
leaves a great blank in the number of those who attach them- 
selves to the serious study of Huguenot history. 

Dr. Herbert Mills Birdwood was elected a Fellow in 1901. 
His life was spent in India, where he gained a distinguished 
official position, holding at different times the posts of Under- 
Secretary to the Bombay Government, Judicial Commissioner 
in Sind, a Judge of the High Court at Bombay, as well as 



that of Vice-Chancellor of the University of Bombay. A life 
so full of such far removed activities left him, as may be 
imagined, with but scant leisure to devote to our pursuits, but 
he attended some of our meetings, and had promised a paper, 
now unfortunately lost to us. 

Captain Otto Bouvier, elected a Fellow in 1905, was a 
brilliant example of the adaptability of Huguenot character in 
nationality as in occupation. German by birth, he served, as 
a young man, as an officer in the war of 1870. Twenty years 
ago he came to England to take the responsible post of 
Manager of the Chilworth Gunpowder Works, a position 
which he held to the time of his death. Able as a man of 
business, he was also closely identified with all the manifold 
duties connected with English country life. 

To these names must be added those of Mrs. Stirling, 
elected in 18S6, Mrs. Anderson, elected in 1888, and Mrs. 
Webb, elected in 1904. Ladies have never taken a very 
prominent part either in our work or in our discussions, and 
I have nothing to chronicle in the case of these beyond this 
that, though their names were English, yet the fact of their 
membership evidenced both their Huguenot descent, and 
their sympathy with our objects. 

If the first part of my task hr.s been a sad one, what 
remains, though more cheerful, is far from easy ; for, while 
the President is enjoined by custom to deliver an address on 
these annual occasions, no guidance is given to him as to 
what shall be its subject. I might, it is true, recapitulate 
the various papers that have been presented to us during 
the past year, though I cannot but think that to do this would 
be an evasion of the duty which is laid upon me ; or, again, 
I might offer you a paper on some Huguenot matter, akin to 
those we are accustomed to look for at our ordinary meetings ; 
but to do this would be to lose the opportunity of differentiat- 
ing our annual meeting. 

It is not given to every one to be original, and I fear that 
you will find but little originality marking the thoughts 
I propose to offer for your consideration. Trying to group 
these thoughts round some one central idea, 1 bethought me 



of a familiar line of Horace, which seemed to be exactly what 
I was searching for ; and if it appears odd to go to a Latin 
poet for an explanation of one of the main characteristics of 
the Huguenot emigration to this country, we must remember 
that the sayings of great writers have in them a pregnancy of 
meaning that carries them on through the ages with an ever 
fresh possibility of application. 

' Coelum non anirnuni mutant qui trans mare currunt,' 

(which I may venture to translate : 

Men cross the sundering flood, and find, 
Though skies may change, unchanged the mind) 

is a line familiar to all, though I doubt whether any have 
noticed how aptly it characterises the Huguenot emigration. 

Our forefathers changed their own land for a new ; it was 
the power of the spirit which was in them — for so I would 
translate ' animum ' — that both drove them out and enabled 
them to bear the shock of so great a change. It was the 
power of that same spirit, accompanying them in their exodus, 
which enabled them to adapt their lives so quickly to the new 
environment. It is this spirit that we must understand if we 
wish to reach to the key of the Huguenot character. Let us 
endeavour to analyse it, for it is obvious that it is com- 
pounded of many different elements. 

First, let us seek its origin. It was the spirit of the 
Eeformation. The vulgar are apt to speak of the Reformation 
as a plant of sudden growth, that sprang, full armed, from 
the brain of Luther or of Calvin ; but we, who know some- 
thing of the history of religion, realise that in Christianity, 
as in every religion, the spirit of reform is ever present, and 
is coeval in every case to the beginnings of sacerdotalism. 

Christianity itself was a Reformation, for it broke the 
dead husk of formalism which had well-nigh obscured the 
true meaning of the old Covenant, by restating religion in 
terms in which mankind has ever hungered for it, as a direct 
personal relation between man and his Maker. 

Christianity once established followed the same course that- 
all religions have followed ; and in time became itself over- 


laid with sacerdotalism ; it was against this universal tendency 
that the spirit of reform fought. The contest can be traced 
by the curious in such matters through all the earlier centuries 
of Christianity : the Paulicians, the Vaudois, Huss, Wycliff, 
are among its many manifestations. If we speak of the 
definite crisis of the sixteenth century as the Reformation, it 
is because in the days of Luther and Calvin it reached its full 
success in the establishment of the Reformed churches. 

Now the essence of this spirit of Reform is individualism ; 
it aims at minimizing the office of the priest, and accentuating 
the direct personal relation of the individual to his Maker. 
From this may be drawn two inferences : first, that the 
reformer is a man of superior individual intelligence, and of 
more independence and originality of action than his fellows, 
in that he sees the meaning and the need of what he is 
struggling for ; and, conversely, the preaching of a Reforma- 
tion produces, in those who will hearken to it, a race of men 
of more individuality and of greater independence than the 
crowd of those who rest content with the general practice of 
their time. 

Our ancestors were filled with this spirit of Reform. Let 
us dwell on some of its many manifestations, in the hope of 
so coming to a better understanding of the reasons, both of 
their willingness to leave their own land, and of their success 
in this. 

It showed itself first as the spirit of loyalty. Not loyalty 
in the narrower sense of blind devotion to Fatherland, and to 
all those institutions which sum up the Fatherland, but that 
higher loyalty, the mark of a higher character, loyalty to an 
ideal ; and in life there can be no higher ideal than religion. 
Between these two loyalties our ancestors had to elect ; it was 
the spirit which was within them which enabled them to choose 
the loftier. 

It showed itself next in the spirit of liberty. They claimed 
to exercise the right of individual judgment in a matter so 
vital to mankind as religion. Now judgment implies both 
inquiry and criticism ; and those whose minds are exercised in 
such studies, gain therefrom a superiority of intelligence which 



differentiates them from the crowd of those who rest satisfied 
with that which is. 

It showed itself again in the spirit of order. No one has 
studied the organization of the Huguenot Churches without 
being struck by the way in which they were both ordered and 
obeyed. An uniform system of discipline, but a system 
voluntarily agreed to by all, and voluntarily obeyed by all ; 
and one in which every member was called on to take his 
part. The priest, as was fitting, at the head of each group in 
matters spiritual, but with him, in all matters temporal con- 
nected with the Church, an advisory body of the lay members, 
each in turn taking his full share in the work and in the 
responsibility. In our various publications we may find, in 
the different accounts of many churches there given, frequent 
examples of the constitution and discipline of our Huguenot 
Churches which serve to illustrate this spirit of order. 

It follows that men who brought with them this spirit of 
order were well qualified to fall quickly into line with the 
government of the land to which they came ; a government 
which, however aristocratic it may still have been, was yet 
more orderly as well as more democratic than the one they 
had left. It is, then, this spirit of order which accounts to 
us for the rapidity with which our ancestors became merged 
into the general body of English citizens. 

Once again', the spirit of Beform manifested itself as a spirit 
of brotherhood. Inherent in our ancestors as one of the 
great doctrines of Christianity, it was intensified in their case 
by a common belief, a common cause, a common martyrdom. 
It was the secret of the bond by which their congregations 
were knit together ; it was the secret of the help they afforded 
one to the other, when as 1 passants ' they wandered from one 
church to another on their way to some final settlement. No 
feeling remains, even to-day, so strong as distrust of a foreigner. 
As foreigners they came to a land which was to them foreign ; 
yet, thanks to the rapid expansion of this spirit of brotherhood, 
we search in vain in all our records for any trace of bitter- 
ness towards those among whom they had found a refuge. 
In their case they seem to have severed at one blow the knot 



which even the entente cordikle has not yet fully resolved. 
Here then, again, we reach to a further part of the secret of the 
rapid merging of the Huguenot into English life. 

A final manifestation of it is to be found in the spirit of 
earnestness. That they were earnest in their beliefs, the 
sacrifice they made to maintain them is sufficient witness. 
That same earnestness, carried into their daily lives, gives us 
the secret of their success in their various callings. More- 
over, that success was more than mere ordinary success, for 
in a great majority of cases it is accompanied by a special 
skill and taste, due, I suggest, to the special individuality and 
intelligence which lies at the root of the spirit of reform. 
Take any one of our early registers, you will be struck by the 
fact that almost all the emigrants had a trade, and almost al- 
ways a trade which implied intelligence. Search the later 
records of English industries, and you will find high up in 
every one of them some Huguenot name. In the many 
branches of weaving their success is proverbial ; as watch- 
makers, engravers, potters, merchants, wherever we turn, it 
is the same thing ; and, noticeably, the trades they follow are 
those demanding skill and taste. Time would fail to tell of 
the Huguenots who rose to the summit of their various pro- 
fessions. The proportion of their success is so far beyond 
the ordinary that it can only be accounted for by some more 
than ordinary cause. 

It is this cause that I have tried to search out ; it is the 
character of those of the Reform, and that character owes its 
origin to the fact that they were permeated by the spirit of 
reform. Do not let us be misled ; character is a very com- 
plex thing, and we can only judge of it by its outward mani- 
festations.. I do not claim to have done more than to 
disentangle one of the many threads which went to the mak- 
ing of the Huguenot character, and to deal with that one 
thread in a few of its many manifestations. Stated as I have 
stated it, the problem looks a simple one ; it is easy to say 
that the Huguenots were what they were because of the spirit 
of reform which was in them, it remains true that their 
character was compounded of many other principles which 



some more skilful hand than mine must unravel. And even 
were this done we should still lack the key to the deeper pro- 
blem that lies beyond and behind. Whence came this spirit, 
and how did it enter into them ? This question, so it seems to 
me, must remain insoluble, and for the moment I rest content 
with the conclusion I have reached, namely, that our an- 
cestors were what they were because of the spirit that was in 
them. It was this that led them out of the land of persecu- 
tion, it was this that led them to success in the land of their 
adoption, for they brought it with them unchanged, ' coelum 
non animum mutaverunt.' 

The tide has spent its first force : the stream which broke 
into English life in 1685 flowed for some time, as when 
rivers mingle, clear and distinct. It is now so merged and 
blended as to be no longer distinguishable, but, though lost to 
sight, it has affected the mass, and we who have studied it in 
the past know that it lives on still. We are proud of it, but 
with no personal pride. We love our land, and we are proud 
to think that what it is to-day is partly due to the spirit our 
fathers brought with them and wrought into its life. I took 
as the text of my remarks a line from an old Latin poet : let 
me conclude with a quotation from a modern English one, 
which expresses the same truth in a different way : 

1 Meet is it changes should control 
' Our being, lest we rust in ease. 

We all are changed by still degrees, 
All but the basis of the soul.' 



€at$ofc£ anH l?ugucnot£ in t(jc Calai^i^ in 1612. 

By WILLIAM SONET, F.S.A., President. 

The chief object of our Society is to recover from the past 
the story of our ancestors ; and, although it stands to reason 
that wo can learn more of them in England since 16S6 than 
we can ever hope to do in France before this date, yet to me 
the earlier portion of the story, the French, is always by far 
the more attractive. The work of each of us is naturally and 
necessarily limited to some small portion of the field. Drawn 
to Calais myself, as the birthplace of my own forefathers, I 
may claim that my portion of it has yielded good results, for 
I have been enabled to lay before you, since the foundation 
of the Society, a fairly complete sketch of the Huguenot 
congregation which, beginning in Calais, transferred and 
continued its corporate life in Dover. The results of this 
work are, of necessity, to be found in several different com- 
munications which it may be as well to indicate here. 

The earliest definite light we have on the Church comes 
to us in a document we are now about to consider. For the 
later history we have the Registers, extending from 1668 to 
1685 1 ; and the accounts, which cover from 1660 to 1681.- 
To these may be added the references given in the records of 
my own family. 3 After the Revocation the Calais Church 
may be said to have continued its existence in Dover, and 
for this portion of its history we have the Dover registers, 4 
together with the accounts and Consistory minutes. 5 

1 Publications of the Society, vol. iii. 

2 Proceedings of the Society, vol. vi. 138. 

* Huguenot Family of ITinet. (Privately printed. London 1892.) 

4 Registers of the French Church at Dover. (Privately printed 1858.) 

3 Proceedings of the Society, vol. iv. 93. 

VOL. rat. — NO. III. E 



In 1891, in conjunction with my friend, Mr. Waller, I 
edited the Registers of the Church at Guinea, and in our 
introduction to that volume we attempted to sketch the story 
of the Huguenot community at Calais. There has recently 
come into my possession further material which, had we then 
known of it, would have enabled us to make our sketch more 
complete than it was. As was then pointed out, we were at 
that time greatly indebted to the assistance of M. Landrin, 
keeper of the Archives at Calais ; and the further document, 
printed as part of the present paper, we also ow r e to him. 
This document has a double interest : first it confirms, I am 
glad to say, most of what we then wrote as to the building of the 
two churches at Marck and Guines ; and secondly, it throws 
a most interesting light on the relation existing between the 
Catholics and Protestants in that district, and inferential!}' 
in other parts of France. 

Its date is 1612, and it is a petition from the Mayor and 
* echevins ' of Calais, supported by those of the neighbouring 
town of Boulogne-sur-Mer, to the Crown, in answer to certain 
demands made by the Protestants of Calais and the surround- 
ing district. The nature of these demands we can only 
surmise from the document itself. 

In our introduction of 1891 we stated that under the pro- 
visions of the Edict of Xantes, 1598, there had been built a 
Huguenot church at Marck, which continued until its destruction 
in 1641, and that, certainly as early as 1692, another church 
existed at Guines, the latter being probably rebuilt, on a far 
larger scale, about 1625. This statement the new document 
confirms, but we are able to gather from it what we could not 
then prove, namely, that the church at Guines was the earlier 
one, 4 il leur doit suffir,' it says, 'du premier lieu quy leur a 
este destine, quy est le bourg de Guysnes ' ; moreover, it is 
clear that in 1612 both these churches were flourishing. 

Calais is, of course, the chief town in the district, and 
towards it, as such, the means of communication would 
naturally converge. The bulk of the population probably 
also resided in Calais, so that, for all purposes of the 
administration of a large and well-organised community, such 



as we know the Huguenots to have formed, it would be the 
natural and best centre. In fact we know that, except as 
regards the actual services held perforce at Guines and 
Marckj Calais was the working centre of the Protestant 
community. "We are not, therefore, surprised to find that 
the Huguenots had requested that they might be permitted 
to remove their church, if not to the town itself, yet to its 
immediate vicinity. They were also, it would seem, asking 
to be granted sites for cemeteries. To this last proposition 
the Catholic party have no objection to offer, provided always 
that ' pour celui de Calais il ne soit dans la ville ains en tel 
lieu qu'on aduisera bon hors d'icelle.' 

To the proposal that they should be allowed to make 
Calais their headquarters for every purpose, the most 
strenuous opposition is offered, and the grounds of this 
opposition make the real interest of the document, as throwing 
light at once on the importance of the Protestant party in and 
about Calais, and on the enmity not unmixed with fear with 
which they were regarded by the Catholics. 

It is impossible to say anything as to the relative pro- 
portion of the Catholic and Protestant population in the 
' Calaisis,' but the Protestants were,- as we attempted to show 
in the introduction to the Registers, very numerous. 

True, the town of Calais, hemmed in by its fortifications, 
could not at any time have held a large number of inhabitants ; 
but round Calais are grouped a large number of villages and 
hamlets, in each of which a Protestant population was 
gathered. If not actually as numerous as the Catholics, the 
number of Protestants cannot have fallen very far short ; 
while, as subsequent events proved, their intelligence and 
their organisation were far superior to those of their fellow- 

The date of the petition is 1612, but the agitation of 
which it was the outcome must have begun in 1611, as the 
letter from Boulogne, quoted in it, proves. Nor is this 
date unimportant. Henri IV. had been assassinated in May 
1610, and it may well be that the Protestant petition, to 
which this was the answer, had been presented to that King 

B 2 



before the fatal event. The death of Henri IV. and the 
regency of Marie de Medici which followed, would have been 
in themselves sufficient, one would think, to ensure the 
rejection of the Protestant demands. 

It would appear that Commissioners had been named who 
had held an inquiry in the district in November 1611, and it 
was probably to these Commissioners that the Protestants 
had proffered their requests. Fearing a too favourable 
acceptance, the authorities of Boulogne began a counter- 
agitation, and wrote the letter which is incorporated in the 
document before us. In this letter, dated April 2, 1612, they 
point out the danger of any concessions to the Protestant 
party, and seek the co-operation of their friends at Calais in 
petitioning against it. This the latter were only too ready to 
give. They at once, on April 4, acknowledge the letter from 
Boulogne ; and the petition before us, which incorporates 
the two letters, must be regarded as the result of their action 
thereon. It is directed to the Commissioners appointed to 
carry out the provisions of the Edict of Pacification (i.e. the 
Edict of Nantes) and addressed through them to the King 

It begins by enlarging on the convenience of the situation 
of Guines as the site for a church, both as a better centre for 
the district served by it than Calais would be, and as being 
accessible by water. Almost at once, however, the real 
reasons for the opposition begin to show. Were the Church 
brought nearer to Calais it would be to the danger of the 
Crown, seeing that, under the screen and cloak of religion, 
strangers could form designs against that garrison town, 
being far more numerous than the French or ' reynicolles,' a 
word which can hardly be translated. The petition goes on 
to point out that further concessions had already been made 
to the Protestants, in granting them, that is, a second church 
at Marck. 

The nest portion is more obscure, seeing that we do not 
know to what request it was in answer ; but it would appear 
that certain lands had been allotted to the town of Calais, for 
•the benefit of the poor, and we may well understand that,, if 



the distribution of the funds arising from these was in the 
hands of those responsible for this petition, i.e. the Catholics, 
the Protestants had not received their fair share of the 
proceeds, and this notwithstanding that we are assured to the 

In. the next paragraph the war is carried into the enemy's 
camp. Not content with the privileges granted to them, the 
Protestants are alleged to have exceeded them by instructing 
and catechising their children in Calais itself — a proceeding 
which, as contrary to the Edict, the mayor and his co- 
religionists insist should be put a stop to at once. 

The main thread of the argument is now interrupted by 
the insertion of the letter from Boulogne, which I have 
suggested was its originating cause, this being followed by the 
reply from Calais ; it then resumes in a somewhat pharisaical 
tone : ' We,' they say, ' who are bound not only by our natural 
inclinations but also by our solemn oaths to be faithful 
servants of your Majesty, and being true Frenchmen and good 
subjects, humbly petition your Majesty to listen to this our 
humble remonstrance, the sole aim of which is the peace and 
preservation of our land and country and the wish to live in 
harmony with the Protestants. Our land,' they add, ' swarms 
with strangers from Holland, Zealand, Flanders, and Artois, 
not in numbers sufficient perhaps to seize the town, but enough 
to threaten it, were they to act with those our enemies, who 
are ever wishful to make war on you. Should their request 
to have a place of assembly, here or near by, be listened to, it 
would be the means of enabling them to execute this pernicious 
design, should they ever be tempted to it.' 

The petitioners turn next to the right of meeting at Marck, 
which had been accorded. Of this they point out the extreme 
danger, for the Protestants cannot be so well watched at Marck 
as they are at Guines ; for there were, it would seem, at the 
latter place, more French and Catholic inhabitants mingled 
with the Huguenots. Moreover, news of the forming of any 
such plan at Guines could be promptly taken either to Calais 
or Ardres, Guines lying midway between these two towns, and 
in both Calais and Ardres there were strong garrisons. 



Again, the concession as to Marck had been that only the 
Flemish language was to be used there ; but now preaching 
goes on in French and Flemish indifferently, the ministers 
exchanging services between that place and Guines, so that 
there is a double breach of the agreement entered into. There 
were now, they go on to point out, in this way four services a 
day (they probably mean on Sundays) which could but corrupt 
the goodwill as well as the religion of the King's subjects. 

Finally, the petitioners, actuated by a fervent zeal for the 
service of His Majesty and for the maintenance and preserva- 
tion of the true religion, Catholic, Apostolic, and Eoman, 
supplicate His Majesty and the Queen Eegent, his lady mother, 
to do away with the meetings at Marck, and so make the 
Protestants adhere more closely to the provisions of the 
Edict, as they, the suppliants, intend themselves to do in 
every particular. 

In our sketch of 1891, we were unable to throw any direct 
light on the history of the Calais Church earlier than 1660, 
and it is of the deepest interest to have the curtain thus lifted 
fifty-six years before that date. True, it is but a momentary 
flash of light that we get, but it shows us what we should expect 
from what we know of the later history of the Church. A 
community strong in numbers, and in existence, as it must 
have been, long before the date of the Edict, we find it within 
fourteen years of the emancipation of the faith in possession 
of two well-organised churches, where services are held in 
two languages ; while it already feela itself powerful enough 
to demand yet further privileges. It is evident from the 
document we have been considering that the Huguenots were 
almost, if not quite, as numerous as the Catholics, and that 
their numbers and organisation were such as to make them 
seem a serious menace to their Catholic fellow-countrymen. 
We cannot carry ourselves sufficiently back into the past to be 
able to judge how far the suggestion of want of patriotism 
may have been founded on fact. Calais was at all times in 
its history a borderland, and a troublous land, and it may be 
that there was some foundation for the suggestion ; bur from 
what we know of the love of country of the Huguenots in other 




parts of France, I, for my own part, am inclined to think that 
there was no more patriotic citizen than the Huguenot, and 
that the real motive of the petition should he sought rather 
in religious differences than in patriotic anxiety. True, the 
Huguenot in later times preferred his faith to his country, 
and gave up the latter to preserve the former ; still, at this 
date, when his faith was yet tolerated, I do not doubt his 
absolute devotion to France. 

What came of the agitation we cannot say. Probably the 
request for a cemetery nearer to Calais was granted, for we 
know that in later days the Huguenots had a cemetery situated 
where now stands the suburb of St. Pierre. They were 
certainly not allowed to change the site of their churches, but, 
per contra, these were both permitted to continue. The one 
at Marck remained until 1641, when it was burnt on an 
incursion of the Spaniards, and was never rebuilt. The 
Gumes church was rebuilt about 1625, on a much larger scale, 
and stood until the Eevocation, when it was destroyed in 
accordance with the first article of the Decree revoking the 
Edict. Of practical result, then, there seems to have been 
little or none ; but to us the document of 1612 is of value, 
and worthy of preservation in our proceedings, as one more 
evidence of the faith of our forefathers, of the strength of their 
organisation, and of the importance attached to it by their 
Catholic fellow-countrymen. 

Transcript of the document o/1612 relating to certain 
demands made by the Huguenots in the Calaisis. 

Aultant 1 de ce qui a este deliure a M M du Trelong et 
Comi res depputtes par sa M te p r l'execuon de l'edict de 
pacificaon. Les Majeur & Eschevins de la Ville de Calais 
ayant eu communiqaon de la requiste pnte par ceux de la 
religion pretendue reformee residans en lad te ville et Pays 
reconquis a Messieurs les commiss 1 " 5 depputtes par sa ma te po r 

1 1 Terme de paleographie. Copie, Duplicata d'un Acte.' Littr<§ : s.v. 
Autant. " t 



1 execution de le edict de pacificaon et pour responce a icelle. 
Disent et vous remonstrent tres humblement qu il semble la 
plaincte faicte n estre a propos en ce qui touche 1 esloignement 
du bourg de Guysnes, lieu dedye pour 1 exercice de la religion 
pretendue reforrnee, d autant que les actes cy deuant octroyes 
a la req re et supplicaon po r le plus commode et propre tant 
pour la facilite du chemin que po r pouuoir aussy aller 
commodement par eau, joinct que ledit lieu est le centre des 
trois gouuernements veu Boulonge, pays reconquis et Ardres 
qui tirent la commodite dudict lieu et dont ils seroient priuez 
s il etoit change et approche a 1 ung ou 1 autre des lieux pre- 
tendus et demandes, qui seroit trop proche d une ville de 
garnison : ce qui ne pourroit rien apporter au seruice du Roy. 
attendu que soubs le voyle et manteau de religion les est- 
rangers pourroient entreprendre sur la place : et eux estants 
en beaucoup plus grand nombre que de francois ou reynicolles, 
mesme de ceux qui fre;uentent 1 eglise et font profession de 
lad t3 religion. Qui plus est, par importunite il leur a este 
concedde ung autre lieu au bourg de Marq ou ils ont basti 
ung temple auquel ils font exercice de lad re religion qui n est 
distant de cested 1 ville que d une petitte lieue seulement et n 
est considerable, ce qu ils mettent en auant pour ce que 
regarde les Capp tns et soldats faisans profession de lad te 
religion pretendue reforrnee, eux estants en petit nombre. joinct 
aussi qu ils ne sont seddentaires en ladicte ville et n y 
demeurant que tant qu il plaist au Eoy les y laisser, estant 
subjets a suiure leur regiment. 

En ce qui touche les Cimitieres demandez par les pfs de la 
religion pretendue reforrnee, lesd cts S rs XTajeur et Escheuins 
bourgeois et habitans s en rapportent au meilleur jugement 
de Mess rs les Commiss 1 * 5 a ce depputtez, pourveu que pour 
celuy de Calais il ne soit dans la ville ains en tel autre lieu 
qu on aduisera bon hors d ycelle. 

Pour ce qui est du faict des Communes remonstrant, que 
lesd ts Communes ont este donnees par sa Ma te au bourgeois et 
hails qui font actuelle residance en lad fe ville, du nombre 
desquelles on a este contrainct par assem' les generalies et 
resoluon prise au corps de ville en la piice des gouuerneur et 



off 1 " 5 de sa M* en baillera ferme huict a neuf vingts mesures p r 
seruir a la nouriture des pauures, et dont les deniers qui en 
prouiennent se distribuent par les mandements et ordonnance 
parti iers des S rs Majeur et eschevins comme administratenrs 
du bien des diets pauures, tant a ceux de 1 une et de 1 autre 
religion. lis en rendent leurs comptes pardeuant les S r " 
gouuerneur off rs de sa M te Majeur et eschevins audit corps de 

Et d autant Messieurs qu avez pouuoir de sa Majeste de 
faire entretenir et obseruer ledict edict et que contrarement a 
yceluy les pfs de la religion pretendue reformee instruisent et 
font catkechizer leurs enfans en ceste ville ce qui ne leur est 
perrnis ains aux lieux ou se fait 1 exercice de ladicte religion, 
requirent les S rs . Majeur et eschevins, bourgeois et habitans, 
qu en conformite dudict edict il leur sera derechef inhibe et 
deffendu de faire instruir et cathechizer leurs engfans sinon 
aux lieux a eux conceddes par faveuiv - ' - 

Supp ant au surplus lesd rs Majeur et eschevins bourgeois et 
habitans qu il ne soit innove ains ledict edict obserue comme 
il a este jusqu a pent sans auoir egard aud 4 req te . 

Faict en 1 hostel commun de lad te ville de Calais le 
neuflesme j r de Nov re mil six cens onze. 

Ensuict la lecture d une lettre, Messieurs, escripte par 
Mess 1 * 3 les Majeur et escheuins de la ville de Boullogne sur la 
mer a Messieurs de la ville et de leur repponse a ceste as- 
semble au memoire adresse par Monsieur le Majeur au corps 
de ville. * 

Messieurs comme en ce pays et autres ceux de la 
religion pretendue reformee ne se contentant de 1 etablisse- 
ment qui leur a este faict, font souuant de nouveaux 
entreprises et a prejudice de la religion catholique 
apostolique et romayne, et mesme qu ils ont faict beaucoup 
de demandes aMess rs lesCommissaires depputtes parleEoy 
qui vindrent par deca a la S l Martin dernier, a quoy nous 
auons reppondu et bailie memoire au contraire aud cs S^ 5 
Commiss" dont sa Majeste par Messieurs de son conseil 
doibuoit decidder bien tost, _ ous auons pris resolution dy 
envoyer personnage de quah ^e et seroit bien a propos 



que vous en fissiez de niesme, sy le trouuez bon, affin d 
aller par anseruble. lis se promettent d approcher la 
ville jusqu aux fauxbourgs qui seroit une grande bresche 
et trouble a notre religion ils ne manqueront de leur part 
de solliciter comme vous pouuez bien scauoir, c est pour 
quoy M r Darmier nostre frere s en va expires pour en 
communiquer aueq vous et entendre vos bonnes con- 
ceptions cepandant nous prions Dieu Messieurs qu il 
vous tienne en sa s cte garde. 

A Boullongn le ii j r d apuril mil six cens douze. 
Yos affectiones et seruiteurs les Majeur et eseheuins de 
la ville de Boullongne sur la raer. 

A coste est escript, par ordonnance de Mess rs signe 
D . . . vigne. En superscription, a M rs Mess 1 " 3 les 
Majeur et eseheuins de la ville de Callais. 

Messieurs nous auons receu celle qu il vous a pleu 
nour escrivre du ii de ce mois et vous remercyons 
affectueusement de 1 aduis y contenu ; et, d autant que 
ceste affaire est de grande importance, nous auons differe 
d y reppondre pendant 1 absence de Monsieur nostre 
gouuerneur et de Monsieur de Lazenar, a qui nous en 
desirous communiquer, pour auoir leur aduis : suyuant 
lequel nous nous gouuernerons. Et vous tesmoignerons 
non seulement en cela Mess 1 " 5 mais aussy en toutes autres 
ehoses qui s offriront le ressentiment que nous auons du 
soing que prettez. 

Messieurs de vos tros affectiones seruiteurs le Majeur 
et eseheuins de la ville de Callais. 

Yu et signe par Canssen grefier a Callai3 

le iiii j r d auril 1612. En superscription, ■ a Messieurs 
M 1 " 9 le Majeur et eseheuins de la ville de Boullongne sur 
la mer.' 

Les Majeurs et eseheuins de la ville de Callais, obliges 
par nature et par sermant solempnel d estre fideles servi- 
teurs de vostre Majeste, comme vrais Francois et bons subjets, 
la supplions tres humblement de recevoir et donner audiance 
a la leur tres humble remonstrance faicte aux depputtes de 
vostre Majeste pour 1 execution de 1 edict de pacification, et 



aux pntes qu ils adjoustent a present, qui ne tandent qu'au 
repos publicq et la conserva on de la ville et pays, moyen de 
vivre paisiblement auec ceux de la religion pretendue reformee, 
ainsi que vostre Majeste la commande. 

En premier lieu de considerer que tout le corps de lad te 
religion pretendue estant en la ville de Callais et pays recon- 
quis, mesme sur le gouuernement d Ardres, il y pase d est- 
rangers, tant de Hollande, Zellande, Flandres, que pays d 
Arthois, en nombre assez suffisans et cappables, non pas 
forcement de surprendre et se saysir de lad te ville, mais bien 
de la blocquer ou assieger, ayans intelligence secrette auec 
ceux qui vous voudroient faire la guerre. 

Que leur accordant par vo re Majeste la proposon de 
assembler dans ladicte ville ou bien proche d ycelle conime 
ils se vantent, ce seroit, ung vrai moyen de parvenir a executer 
ce pernicieux dessin au cas qu ils y fussent poulses par 
mauuaise volonte ; car, de subjes, ils ne peuuent auoir 
attendu le bon traictment qu ils ont receu de feu Henry le 
grand vos re tres honore seigneur et pere, et qu ils retrouue de 
vot re Majeste. 

Que la presehe que leur a este accorde au bourg de Marq, 
distant dudict Calais d une lieue seulement, est extremement 
dangereux pour estre trop proche de lad :e ville presque habite 
de tous estrangers ; et aussy que leur doit suffyr du premier 
lieu qui leur a este destine, qui est le bourg de Guysnes, assis 
au my lieu du ehemin de la ville d Ardres et dudict Callais, 
ou difncilement peuvent ils prendre resolucion d entreprendre 
aucune chose contre vo re seruice, pour estre veus et esclaires 
d ung bon nombre habitans francois et catholiques demeurans 
audict bourg et aux enuirons, mesme du gouuerneur et de la 
garnison dud* Ardres qui peuuent descouurir aux demeurans 
en Arthoye que y viennent secrettement ce qui ne se peut par 
les endroicts auicinans audict Marq. Dailleur que celluy 
presehe qui se faict audict lieu de Marq ne se doibt faire ny 
prononcer qu en langue Flamande, ainsy que leur a este 
accorde, et mantinonge se faict et prononce aussy en langue 
francois ; et po r ceste eftet alternativement les ministres 
francois et flamangs preschent aud t3 lieux de Marq et Guisnes 



contre et au prejudice de la concession qui leur en a este 

Tellement que ce sont quatre assembles en ung mesme jo r 
qui ne sont pas petittes niais bien grandes pour ung si petit 
pays qui ne tasche qu a corrornpre la bonne volonte et religion 
de vos subjects francois et voudroient si v re majeste leur 
eust accorde de prescher en chacune paroisse pour mieux 
travaillyer a leur desseing et seduyr tous les bans dudict 

Cest pourquoy lesd^ IMajeur et escbeuins soubs ez d un bon 
zelle au bien du seruice de vo re rnajeste et a la manutenon et 
conservation de la vraye religion catholique apostolique et 
romayne supplians tres bumblem : vo re majeste et celle de la 
reyne regente vo K dame et mere de remettre ladicte assemblee 
et presche dudict bourg de ITarq audict lieu de Guisnes qui ne 
sera par ce moyen que deux assemblees en ung mesme place 
au lieu de quattre en deux lieux et de ne leur accorder autre 
cbose que ce qu il leur gracie par ledict.edict de pacification 
auquel lesd :5 supp ans tous vos subjects catboliques tant de la 
ville que dudict pays reconquis obeyrons et entretiendrons de 
poinct en poinct tant qu il plaira a vo re Majeste. 



£f)c Mate of f micl) protectants aftcc 16S5. 


To treat adequately of the state of French Protestantism after 
1685. it is almost a necessity to examine its condition, not 
only before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, but also 
before its promulgation. The ordinary British public, which 
is ignorant of its own history, has a hazy idea that a few 
handfuls of refugee French Protestants came to this country 
and settled at Bye and Canterbury, at the end of the sixteenth 
century, and established silk-weaving. It has also some 
recollection of a massacre called : the St. Bartholomew,' 
after which it is supposed that French Protestants enjoyed 
a long peace of a hundred years till the Eevocation of the 
Edict of Nantes — when those who did not escape embraced 
Pioman Catholicism. That a constant persecution and struggle 
went on from 1535 to 1788, resulting in a continuous influx 
to this country for 250 years, now in thousands, now in 
hundreds or scores, but never ceasing, thereby moulding its 
character in a way that no other immigration has ever done 
— this is not considered or appreciated even by our own 

The red sun which set on Coutras, Arques and Ivry, set on 
the last of French feudal chivalry, and never again were 
Bishops and Princes of the Church to charge in armour at the 
bead of their feudal levies. After the death of Henri IV. and 
Louis XIIL, the ground was prepared for the great scheme of 
Louis XIY. — to create a great and undivided France, with him- 
self as its supreme head ; a brilliant Court to which nocked 
the great nobles of the realm, while the machinery of State 
was in the hands of the Intendant. 



The settlement of French Canada shows very clearly the 
creation of that new order of things which had been instituted 
on a larger scale in the mother-country. ' Behind the 
governor, a noble of high rank; with the shadow of power 
without its substance, stood the Intendant, an obscure figure,' 
says Parkman, ' lost amid the vainglories of the feudal sunset, 
but in the name of the King holding the reins of government, 
. . . of modest birth, springing from the legal class, owing 
his present to the King, and dependent on him for his future.' 
In these last words lie the secret, humanly speaking, of all the 
success of the King in crushing Protestantism. 

In the early days of Beforni in France, a great noble and 
churchman like the Cardinal de Chatillon or La Boche- 
Foucauld could brave the wrath of Pope and King ; a handful 
of such men did for a time uphold the cause of a Reformed 
Gallican Church ; a larger number would have led it along 
the same path the Anglican Church was treading. Eeform 
itself originated within the Gallican Church, and as early as 
1494, the Parlement of Eouen had protested against the sale 
of indulgences, and it was after reform became tinged with 
Lutheran and Calvinistic teaching that the path of French 
Protestantism diverged and led eventually to Calvinism. In 
1560, in Normandy the clergy were leaving their churches, 
and even conducting reformed services in them, while Chatillon, 
Cardinal and Prince of the Church, was celebrating the Lord's 
Supper in his Cathedral of Beauvais. In this connection it 
is interesting to note that the French Protestant never 
altogether lost his hold on Catholic tradition. As late as 
1787 the ' colloque ' of the Protestant Church at Caen decided 
to meet on the day after the ' Feasts of Pentecost and Christ- 
mas,' 1 out of consideration for the Eoman Catholic clergy. 
The point, however, is not so much the consideration for their 
feelings as the recognition of Catholic feast days, although it 
is interesting to note the wide difference in feeling, shown by 
such a decision as this, between French Huguenots and 
Scottish Calvinists and English Dissenters, who certainly 

1 On account of the large number of Protestants coming in from surrounding 
parishes while processions with the Host were going through the streets. 



entertained no scruples whatever about wounding Roman sus- 
ceptibilities. The readiness of French refugees to conform 
to the Anglican Church is an instance of this feeling, and 
it was in no small degree due to the influence of the refugees, 
especially to the Cardinal de Chatillon, who lies buried in 
Canterbury Cathedral, that the Anglican Church was ' saved 
from the claws of Calvinism.' 

But there is another instance, in this connection, which 
ought not to be omitted — although this paper is in danger of 
becoming a treatise on Huguenot theology — and that is an 
acte of baptism of two Moors and their child, from the Caen 
Registers, in 1564. These Moors had lived for some seven or 
eight years at Caen, in the service of Jacques de Cauvigny. 
Of their own free will they desired to be baptised into the 
Christian Church, and the minister, Monsieur Pinson, having 
beforehand exhorted them and examined them in the principal 
points of the Christian faith and religion, directed them to 
examine themselves to consider what faith they ought to have 
in order ' to receive worthily this Holy Sacrament ' (pour 
dignement recevoir ce Sainct Sacrement de bapteme). 

Around Caen, in 1553, no less than fifteen parishes were left 
without a parish priest, while large numbers of monks and 
nuns left their establishments. 

Having regard to these facts, it may well be seen that — 
partly owing to large districts being wholly given over to the 
reformed doctrines, and partly owing to the toleration afforded 
by the Church, so largely Gallican in sympathy, and not yet 
under the domination of the Jesuit — the Huguenot of the 
sixteenth century was able to exist, and generally to hold his 
own. The sixteenth century was a century of -conflict, but it 
was a conflict in which both sides gave and took hard blows. 
If the Huguenot had his Bible in one hand, he had his sword 
in the other, and if he were ruined by some sack or massacre, 
he could take service under a leader like Montgommery or 
La Noue, and ride forth' to smite the oppressor with the sword 
of the Lord and of Gideon. 

The dominant note of the sixteenth century is war. Our 
Huguenot forefathers were born into war : they lived in it, 



and died in it. Their heroes are those of the Old Testament 
type: Samson and David, Jael and Judith. They loved to 
sing of how the Lord smote the Egyptian by the Bed Sea, or 
Gideon the Midianites by the brook of Hazor. But the note 
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is that of Rachel 
weeping for her children, and of the souls under the altar, who 
cry' ' How long, 0 Lord, Holy and True ? ' 

In the sixteenth century, as far as religious matters were 
concerned, the Church was the police force ; in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, the Intendant. He was the head, 
in his province, of a most complete and searching system of 
espionage. At least, the Huguenot of 15G0 had not every act 
of his life noted down to be brought up against him ten years 
later : his footsteps were not dogged, and no dossier of his life 
made and forwarded to the Intendant. 

The earliest instance I have found of inquiry being made 
by the Church into the affairs of one suspected of heresy is of 
the date of 1538, and is an inventory of the goods and posses- 
sions of a Gascon noble at the Court of Jeanne d'Albret, 
caused to be made by Jacques de Foix, Bishop of Lescar. 
Nothing, however, happened, and he lived and died in peace 
and security. 

Under the Intendant nothing was sacred ; a man was 
spied on by his servants ; his letters opened and read, and 
their contents, harmless enough, forwarded to Paris. Had it 
not been for the Christianity shown by the Ptoman Catholic 
population, who had no enmity to their fellow-countrymen, 
there is no doubt that Louis XIV. and Madame de Main tenon, 
and behind them the Jesuit influence, would have achieved a 
success which would have eclipsed St. Bartholomew. 

As we know, persecution began again, on the death of 
Henri IV., though it varied in intensity in different parts of 
France, until the police system of Louis XIY. began to be 
perfected and uniform all over the country. The history of 
the reign of Louis Quatorze is too well known to need much 
mention. It would be a work of great interest to classify the 
numbers who came to this country and to others, during his 
reign, and the dates at which they came. Of course they 



forfeited their possessions, unless they were able to turn their 
property into money and bring it with them. One of the 
duties of the Ititendant was to make an accurate schedule of 
all real property held by Protestants, and it seems probable 
that the King had the Revocation of the Edict in his mind 
for many years before, since so many of these reports seem 
to have been filed for ten or twenty years previously, and 
then turned up for the purpose of confiscating the property. 

I will quotu three documents of the seventeenth century 
from the Protestant Registers of La Rochelle. One is the 
abjuration of Francois Le Boindre, in 1646, native of Mans, 
an ex-Carmelite monk, priest, and preacher. Another is that 
of Paciflque Gobert, in 1648, native of Auxerre, formerly 
priest and monk of the Order of St. Anthony the Hermit ; 
and a third of the same year, which I give at length, of a 
former Jesuit. It is interesting to note that, in this case, the 
abjurer was condemned to be hanged, his body burned, and 
his ashes cast to the winds. The perversion of a Carmelite 
monk might be passed over, since the Edict was in full 
force, but a Jesuit pervert ! The power behind the throne 
could not wait for the Revocation. 

The condemned man, however, seems to have escaped, as 
he might well do from La Rochelle, and the sentence was 
carried out in effigy a month later (July 11, 1648). 

The act of abjuration runs thus : — 

'Le mercredy, 25° dudit mois (octobre 1646) M. Vincent 
conduisant Taction, le sieur Pierre Jarrige, natif de Tulle en 
Limousin, aage de 42 ans, ayant demande d'estre oui en la 
Compagnie du Consistoire, y a represents que depuis 24 ans, 
il auroit vescu en l'ordre des Jesuites, ou ayant passe par 
tous les degrez, il seroit parvenu a estre profes du 4° et dernier 
de leurs vceux, et auroit este emploie a la predication a Agen, 
Nantes, Poitiers, Bordeaux, et autres bonnes villes de ce 
Royaume, et enfin auroit este envoye en leur maison de ceste 
ville, pour y estre confesseur et Pere spirituel, comme ils 
appellent, de tous ceux de la d e maison, et de plus admoniteur 
du Recteur et predicateur ordinaire. A quoy s'emploiant, 
bien que ce fust d'ailleurs avec toute la satisfaction qu'il eust 

VOL. VIII. — no. in. s 



pu esperer derneurant parmi eux, neanmoins sa conscience 
n'auroit peu permettre qu'il s'y arrestast plus long temps, veil 
que depuis plusieurs annees, Dieu lui auroit fait la grace de 
luy desiller les yeux, et de luy faire recognoistre les erreurs 
et superstitions qui sent Peglise Eomaine, et particulierement 
audit ordre cles jesuites. et an contraire que la vray et pure 
creance est celle des Eglises Reformees, auxquelles ayant 
desir de se ranger, estant tout a fait resolu de donner gloire a 
Dieu par la franche confession de sa verite, il prioit tares 
affectueusernent la d e Compagnie de le recevoir a en faire la 
profession au milieu d'elle. Sur quoy la d J compagnie l'aiant 
oui plus particulierement sur les motifs de cette sienne 
resolution et ai'ant d'ailleurs pleine information des louables 
tesmoignages que luy ont este generalement rendus jusceques 
icy par tous les siens, elle a loue Dieu, de tout son cceur de 
la grace qui luy a pleu deployer en son endroict, et inclinant 
a son desir, auquel il a proteste d'abondant n'avoir d'autre 
but que celuy de la gloire de Dieu et de son salut, luy a accorde 
ce dont il la requeroit. Au moyen de quoy, il a jure 
saintement devant Dieu et ses anges, qu'il renonce de bon 
cceur aux erreurs et abus dont l'eglise Eom. est remplie et 
particulierement au pretendu sacrifice de la messe et toutes 
ses dependances. De plus il a aussi renonce a tous ses vceux 
monastiques et declare qu'il se range de pleine affection a la 
foy et communion des eglises Eeformees de ce Eoyaume, avec 
resolution ferme d'y perseverer, moyennant l'aide de Dieu, 
jusques a son dernier souspir. D'ailleurs il a aussi promis de 
s'assujettir a l'ordre et discipline selon laquelle les Eglises de 
ce Eoyaume sont conduites. Et de tout ce que dessus, le 
presente acte ayant ete dresse et enregistrt-, suivant Tordre 
usite en tels cas, il l'a signe de sa propre main.' (Signe) 
Pierre Jarrige. Espie, ancien et scribe du ConsistoireJ 

The great success of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Eoman 
Church is no doubt due to the profound knowledge of human 
nature derived from the Confessional. The records of trials 
for heresy and the police dossiers show how this knowledge 
was used. The man is hit through his wife and child. 

1 Papers relating to the E. P. E. La Eochelle, Archives Dejpartementaies. 



Almost invariably, throughout the long list of £ proces-verbaux ' 
relating to the ' eglise pretendue reforinee,' it is the woman 
who is attacked, and, one is sorry to say, it is the man who 
is the informer. Bad as the years preceding the Revocation 
were, those directly following it were worse ; for they were 
unredeemed by any ray of hope or light, except for the splendid 
constancy and heroism shown by the Protestants, who refused 
to give up their faith, and saw their pastors broken on the 
wheel, and themselves and their wives and children hunted, 
proscribed, tortured, condemned to the galleys. 

To this period (1685-1720) belong those strange outbreaks 
of mysticism and prophecy which occurred so frequently 
among the Cevenol peasantry, and which Besant notes in 
London among the refugees who escaped after the Revocation 
— the product of minds unhinged by torture and the struggle 
with hell and death, or of souls lifted out of their bodily 
surroundings, who saw things not permitted for man to see. 

As in the sixteenth century the dominant note is war — the 
shield, the sword, and the battle — and in the seventeenth the 
cry of the needy and the exile, so in the last decade of 
the seventeenth and the first two decades of the eighteenth 
the Apocalypse gives the keynote. To those 3taunch souls in 
their fight with Principalities and Powers, Death did in truth 
ride abroad upon his White Horse, and the seven angels with 
the seven vials full of the wrath of God were plainly visible. 
Nor is it to be wondered at if to the poor pastor — hunted on 
the mountains, certain of death on the wheel if captured, who 
had seen dying women cast out into the snow, children killed 
by torture before the eyes of their parents, men mangled and 
killed by degrees — the Church, as exemplified by the arch-fiend 
Du Chayla, appeared as the mother of abominations, the 
habitation of devils, and a cage of every unclean and hateful 
bird. To these men, in a time of superhuman struggle, the 
Apocalypse appealed as the final summing up of all things ; 
of what had been, and was, and was to be, before the new 
beaven and the new earth should appear, and they should 
^'ith their eyes behold the City of the Lord of Hosts, their 
only City of Refuge. 

s 2 



The following mystical document is an example of this 
mental state. It was written by Charles de Lart, 1 S r de la 
Coste-Grezeres, on his shirt for lack of better material, in the 
prison at Agen, in 168S, where he had been since his arrest 
in 1685. He appears to have written another previously to 
Jules Mascaron, Bishop of Agen, who with Bourdaloue had 
publicly denounced the sins of the King. This letter is 
addressed to Louis, though the meaning of the isolated letters 
is not clear. The last abbreviations refer to Bishop Mascaron, 
' Julius episcopus Agenensis.' 

Sur la chemisette • 
Louis 11 est temps mes arretz ne se revoque pas. Ma 
m . sege' force n'est pas amoindrie la gloire de mon fils se 
Julie ep trouve aneantie ilya tantost trois ans et demy que je 
tay auertie La gloire de Sion doit etre retablie le 
siege seducteux doit estre en effigie et Louis le vainqueur. 

Ma main ne se lasse jamais Va parle et ne tais point Sois 
fidelle a ton Boy c'est loin de l'Eternel Je feray ton oracle et 
repondray pour toy L'Intendant est marque pour estre ta 
conduit et doit te representer au Ciel qui doit regner et pour 
avoir pu douter de mon pouvoir tu seras trois jours et demy 
sans parler. 

Sur la chemise 
Souuiens toy des choses qui veue ouies et te garde et te 
repente et lagneau qui est au milieu du trone te paistra et te 
conduira aux viues fontaines des eaux et Dieu essuira toutes 
les larmes des repentans. 

Among the papers relating to the Protestant Church at 
Caen, is an account of the trial, in 1690, of one Mons. 
Eobert Estienne le Caion, the sixth witness against one 
Jacques Simon (dit Triasnon). Le Caion is accused of having 
told lies in his evidence. By what means he was induced to 
tell the truth, we know not, but he now comes forward and 

1 Son of Etienne de Lart, s r de Bere and de la Cour-Grezeres, and Judith 
d'Alche des Planels. It was probably his brother Francois who is found at 
Amsterdam, 1672. Other relatives had escaped to England and Holland much 

■ . 



says be is ready to tell it. He says that 1 the wife of Jean 
Caignard, who lives with Anne do Bois, her daughter, in a 
oom over that of the respondent on the third floor, has gone 
several times to the room of the respondent, and told him k:~ 
unhappy they were to have no longer a temple to pray in. and 
that they were obliged to assemble themselves together, asking 
him, the witness, to allow them to use his room for the 
purpose ; and that, having consented, they came together the 
Sunday before las: Christmas Bay. And the same Sunday 
the said wife of Caiguard (or Quesnei) came to his room with 
Susarrne Quesnei, his sister, Anne du Bois. Jean Gautier. 
menuisier, living in " Neuve rue," and his wife : the wife of 
Isaac PHonorey, menuisier, and -the wife of one called " Les 
Sablons," a " droguist," living opposite the hostelry of the 
" Sign of the Cross " AnneBourget; and after he, the respondent 
had taken his Bible, and had read it in the presence of the 
above-named, then the said Anne du Bois having taken the 
Bible, also read it, after which he, the respondent, took her 
book, in which was written a sermon, " moulle de leur religion," 
he read it, all of which was done openly. They then sang in 
a loud voice a Psalm of their religion P. P., the witness, 
and some others having each a book of Psalms out of which 
they sang. And then they knelt and prayed with a loud 
voice the prayers which are at the end of the Psalms. After 
the ceremony was over they left, each in turn, after the wife 
of Caignard had declared to all the assembly that they would 
meet in the same place and for the same purpose on Christmas 
Day following/ Which wicked thing, in fact, happened, for 1 at 
half-past nine a.m., the witness and his wife being in their 
room, the said Eene Quesnei, accompanied by the same persons 
as before, and two of the sons of Jacob Gautier, of St. Contest, 
and a man believed to be their servant, two daughters of one 
named le Bastard, and their servant, of the parish of St. 
Peter, and an apprentice of Jean Gautier, whose name he did 
not know. And hrst they knelt down, and prayed in a loud 
voice, after which the witness read a sermon, and then they 
sang all together a Psalm of their religion ; and after 
kneeling down again they prayed aloud.' And it almost make3 



one shudder to think of the enormity of the crime £ ruesme ils 
firent des prieres pour la sante et prosperity du Roy, et pour 
la paix du Royaume.' 

They were persecuted and tormented, they were slain with 
th , sword ; but they still prayed for the King, and instead of 
cursing him they blessed him. And this was a type which 
flocked to this country for 250 years ! But the British school- 
boy, in whose veins runs so much of their blood*, is fed on the 
useless and often improper history of Greek and Roman gods 
who had no existence, and strives to equip himself for the 
battle of life with scraps of the history of every country but 
his own. 

One of the worst traits of human nature is continually 
cropping up among Protestant records — greed. Often one 
finds instances of a Protestant being denounced by one of his 
nearest relatives, in order to get possession of his property. 
I suppose a merchant had the best chance of escaping with 
the greater part of his goods, since his capital could be sent 
out of the country in the shape of bills, or he could carry a 
good sum with him in the shape of cash. Landed property 
was impossible to realise, except by the greatest ingenuity and 
collusion of some Roman Catholic friend or relation. 

No sooner had a man left the country than a horde of 
eager applicants sent in their claims. Such was the case in 
regard to the property of Antoine Ligonier de Vignals de 
Bonneval, a fugitive minister, a relative of Lord Ligonier. In 
1735, no less than six different relations applied for his goods. 
One, the Sieur de Rogery, based his claim on being cousin 
german to Abel Ligonier : their mothers being sisters. Two 
other claimants, Sieurs de Lamothe, one a lieutenant of 
dragoons, and the other of infantry, were promptly ruled out, 
for the Intendant reported that they did not fulfil their 
religious duties as well as Antoine Ligonier de St. Jean, who 
eventually had the grant allowed him. Another applicant 
was the Sr. de St. Etienne Ligonier, a captain in the grena- 
diers of Touraine. while the last was a member of the branch 
of Ligonier de ATontcuquet. 

An interesting detail in this suit for the property of Antoine 



Ligonier is the production of a copy of bis death certificate 
troiB the Portarlington Eegister (September 18, 1733). 

* Aujourdhuy a ete enterre dans cette eglise par M. des 
Yories, pasteur, Mr. Antoine Ligonier de Bonneval, ancien 
pasteur de ,ette eglise: rnort 16 de ce present mois. Theod. 
des Yories, Louis Buliod, Jacques de Francquefort anciens.' 
The copy is also certified in dorso by de Vories, G. Guion, 
Charles du petit Bosc, Borough of Portarlington : with the 
following words : ' De par Jean de Boyer, escuyer. Souverain 
et justice de Paix de lad ce Corporation.' He also signs a 
declaration in French that Theodore des Yories is minister of 
the French church of St. Paul, and has full authority. This 
was sealed with the seal of the Corporation of Portarlington. 

It may have been instructive to the French lawyers to 
note that the mayor and two others of the signatories were of 
French descent, and that a colony of Frenchmen existed there, 
who had escaped the clutches of the French king. 

Nor were the living the only ones against which the 
power of Church and State was directed. Among the papers 
relating to the proceedings taken against the Protestants of 
the town of Chatiilon-sur-Loire in 1686 is a proces-verbal 
"contre le cadavre de Louise Labbe (nov.. 1686) decedee 
refusante les sacraments.' The corpse was sentenced to be 
dragged on a hurdle and thrown on to a dunghill. 

The strictest injunctions were laid on doctors to warn the 
cure of the approaching death of a Protestant, so that the 
Sacraments might be administered. In the district of La 
Eochelle, where Protestantism was specially strong, the 
greatest severities were practised, although they could not 
stamp it out. A document, of which I have not the date, but 
after 1750, relating to the meetings of the Protestants by 
night, relates the impossibility of capturing the pastors 
because of the ' secret exact qui s'observe parmi les pro- 
testants, de 1'intelligence des catholiques a cet egard avec 
ceux de cette religion auxquels ils tiennent tous,' and of the 
impossibility of winning over a single one for gain. 

Among these same papers, at the same date, is a letter 
from the Due de La Yrilliere, in answer to a complaint made 



by one Guarry, ' Chanoine de Sablonceaux,' of the irreverence 
of the Protestants. The Duke adds a note — ' quoiqu'il ne faut 
pas ajouter une foy entiere a ce que les cures ecrivent sur ce 

Towards the end of the eighteenth century, though all the 
penal laws were in force, they were not enforced with the 
same cruelty. Here and there one finds an Intendant of more 
enlightened views. 

In 1778 the cure of Chatillon-sur-Loire wrote a letter to 
M. de Yilliers, subdelegate of the Intendance of Orleans, in 
which he complains of scandalous assemblies in certain 
houses, which he names ' opposees aux lois et aux ordonnances 
du Royaume.' He begs the King to ' dissiper ces commence- 
ments d'assemblees dont les suittes peuvent etre dangereuses, 
et qui scandalizent avec raison les Eons Catholiques.' The 
Huguenots of Sancerre also held unlawful meetings, he says. 
4 Mon caractere est tres eloigne de toutes les voyes de rigueur, 
mais il n'est pas possible de soufTrir dans le silence le mepris 
que les protestants font des lois du royaume.' He goes on to 
ask for protection k for the poor persecuted sheep of his own 
flock. It appears from other correspondence that there had 
been great distress in that district, which especially azected 
the Catholics, and it is tolerably clear that envy and jealousy 
were the causes of these complaints. 

This complaint was not well received by de Yilliers, who 
seems to have been of the type of the Due de La Yrilliere, 
and it is a pity France had not more of them. He immedi- 
ately went to Chatillon in person, and demanded to be intro- 
duced to the meeting. 

It is an interesting picture one sees. Around him are the 
steady, earnest, substantial men, the most well-to-do citizens 
in the district, the remnant of those many millions of the same 
type, driven away to other lands, or massacred and dragooned 
into obedience, but for whose loss the Revolution would not 
have been ; and in their midst is sitting de Yilliers, in 
powdered wig and costume of Louis XYL, the representative 
of a regime which was even then passing away. De Yilliers 
' ayant fait placer la chaise qui lui fut offerte dans la salle du 





milieu, en place de pouvoir, etre entendu de tous autant qu'il 
etoit possible, et aiant demande a ceux qui lui parurent les 
plus notables de s'approcher de lui, s'etant couvert, dit 
Messieurs. . . After telling the object of his inquiry, he 
asked one Quetin the following questions : — 

Q. Quel est l'objet des assemblies que vouz tenez a 
Chatillon, en reunissant dans votre maison les pretendus 
reformes ? 

B. De nous edifier, denous instruire en commun, de prier 
Dieu pour le Eoi et toute la famille roialle : pour la tran- 
quillity de son etat : pour tous les hommes qui sont nos 

Q. Wy traitez vous aucuns points de dogmes et de 
religion ? 

B. Nous lisons quelques uns des livres qui peuvent y etre 
relatifs : mais nous nous occupons prineipalement de ce qui 
regarde la morale, pour former le cceur de la jeunesse, leur 
donner les premiers principes de la religion Chretienne et les 
instruire de leur devoir. 

Other questions followed, and in answer to the last, as to 
how many of the Eeligion there were in Chatillon, the reply 
was " about 300." Q. Do they all come to service ? B. No ; 
a small number come, but the greater part live in ignorance 
of all religion, or rather in irreligion. 

De Villiers then made the following notable speech : — 

1 Messieurs, — 

'Les sentiments patriotiques et les vertus socialles 
generallement reconnues, de ceux qui paroissent a la tete de 
l'assemblee, me sont des garantis surs, qu'il ne s'y passe rien 
de contraire a la fidelite que vous devez au Eoi, a la tranquility 
de l'etat, aux principes d'une sage morale : (Test ce qui me fait 
Bouhaitter d'avantage, esperer meme, qu'ecoutant la voix de 
l'autorite Legitime, vous reconnoitrez un jour la verite des 
Dogmes qu'elle enseigne — ils sont les memes que vos peres 
ont cru. 

' Je ne viens point icy porter l'alarme et la terreur. 
L'intention du Eoy n'est pas que la paix et la douceur des 
societes soit troublee: La conscience de ses sujets P. E. 




tournientee qu'on les force a des abjurations souvent simulees, 
qui n'ont autre efiet que cle deceler 1'irreligion de ceux qui les 
prononcent. La persecution n'habite pas le cceur Bienfaisant 
du Eoi : il veut bien mtme tolerer des reunions en faruille : 
mais le culte publique n'appartient qu'a la Religion Catho- 
lique, seule veritable, que le Eoi professe, qu'il se fait gloire 
de deffendre. 

' Un concours aussi norubreux que celui dont je suis temoin, 
semble annoncir que vous elevez autel contre autel, et 
l'excrcise d'une religion nouvelle. S. XTajeste le proscrit 

He proceeds to beg them to profit by his goodness with 
gratitude, and - to confine their religion within the bounds he 
places, and to give him the satisfaction of having to render 
account of their submission and fidelity. 

Far otherwise was the report he sends to the king. He 
describes how he went to Chatillon and saw the service ; he 
says that the E.P.E. of that town comprises the most well-to- 
do in the community : some were rich, and gave abundant 
alms ; they were men well known, visited and esteemed by 
the best people in the Canton. ' Their emigration would 
bring about the ruin of a district, reduced to misery by a 
succession of calamities.' This, then, was the meanirg of the 
proces, for the cure in a former letter mentions the evil 
plight of the Catholic inhabitants. ' The denunciations 
against them arise from some irritation, the cause of which 
I am in ignorance of. The cure sees them, and eats with 
them ; the Procurator Fiscal, the lawyers, who frequent their 
society, have given me excellent witness to their conduct.' 

He says also that those who attend service exhibited the 
first principles of Christianity, honesty, and civilisation ; 
' those who do not attend, though equally attached to what 
they call the ancient belief of their fathers, are composed of 
the lowest of the populace, and the most dangerous.' 

In the year 1787 the number of Protestants in France was 
3,000,000. It was in this year, a century after the Eevocation, 
that permission was granted them to regularise their marriages 
by the civil registration. Formerly, abjurors at least, had 



beeD allowed to be married in the parish churches, and many 
apparently were willing to be so married, but the clergy had 
refused absolutely to marry them ; their union therefore had 
been ' au desert.' The Edict was retrospective, and legalised 
all existing marriages. 

A few more years, and the old regime was to vanish, 
destroyed by the devils it had itself conjured up ; and though 
in the early years" of the nineteenth century sporadic perse- 
cutions again broke forth, the Protestants in France enjoyed 
complete liberty of conscience. 



2t Host gisforp of tfjc t;jugucnot£* 


About a hundred years ago, when the French Revolution, with 
its more recent atrocities, had almost effaced the memory of the 
Feast of Saint Bartholomew and the Bragonnadcs, when the 
First Napoleon had possessed himself of the thunderbolts of 
the Fourteenth Louis, and become in his turn the bugbear of 
Europe, at a moment, in fine, when public interest in our 
friends, the Huguenots, had fallen to its very lowest ebb, it 
entered into the heart of my grandfather, Charles Philpot, a 
studious and retiring country clergyman, of wide reading, 
immense industry, and ample leisure, to write a History of the 
Eeformed Church in France. That he was himself, as he 
believed, of Huguenot descent, and that his wife was actually 
the grand-daughter of a refugee, probably suggested the sub- 
ject to a pen that was already thirsting for a theme. And it 
may not be too fanciful to suggest that the fact that from one 
of his two parishes — St. Margaret's-at-Cliffe, with its fine old 
Norman church — he could see the coast of France, added a 
sense of nearness and actuality to his undertaking. However 
that may be, there is no doubt that he laboured unremittingly 
upon his history for many years, making occasional visits to 
London in furtherance of his research, and that he had 
brought it to completion, when he was suddenly overtaken by 
death, Feb. 12, 1823. The evidence for all this is his 
obituary notice in the 1 Gentleman's Magazine,' 1 evidently by 
an intimate friend who writes of him thus handsomely : ' His 
attainments as a scholar were of a very high order, and his 
love of letters remained with him through life, and was the 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, 1823, Part L, p. 379. 



delight and solace of the retirement in which he chose to pass 
his days. His mind was not less stored with elegant litera- 
ture than with the deeper and more abstruse branches of 
learning, and the amusement (sic) of his later years was the 
writing of a History of the Rise and Progress of the Reformed 
Church in France, embracing the manners and literature of 
that interesting period and not yet printed, but which, it is to 
be hoped, may yet be given to the publick.' This hope was 
never fulfilled ; and with the break-up of his home the bulky 
MS. disappeared. Some short while ago, however, between 
the covers of another work of his that had been more success- 
ful in attaining the dignity of print, I came upon a rough 
draft of the preface to the unfortunate History in the 
author's own script, and I felt that the fact that such a work 
had once been in existence was worthy of a brief note in the 
published transactions of this Society. With the assent, how- 
ever, not to say the encouragement, of our Secretary, I have 
ventured to amplify this note into the paper of an evening, 
and I must crave indulgence if some of it should prove of 
less interest to you than it is to myself. Though the thought 
occurs to me that this, if any, is the place where one may 
justifiably imitate the Japanese, and burn a little pious 
incense to the memory of one's ancestors, especially if they 
happen to have been good Huguenots, or to have contributed, 
however ineffectively, to keeping green the memory of our 
French forbears. 

In the 4 Annals of^a Quiet Family,' 1 which I had the 
honour of reading in this place some years ago, I showed you 
how the family in question, that of Laf argue, though origin- 
ally numbering several refugees, had in the course of years 
dwindled down to a single scion, the Piev. Peter Lafargue, 
{b. 1738, d. 1804,) an unbeneficed clergyman, residing at 
Stamford in Lincolnshire. By his first wife, Elizabeth 
Russell, who died after a very few years of married life, 
he had two children, Peter Augustus (b. 1770,) and Maria 
{b. 1772,) who were brought up by their stepmother, a grand- 
daughter of the second Earl of Harborough. Amongst Peter 

1 Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, vol. vii. p. 253. 



Lafargue's most intimate friends, and chosen by him as an 
executor of his will, was a certain Robert Hubbard, of 
Leicester, a prosperous and highly respected solicitor, whose 
family also happened to consist of two young people, Harriett, 
his daughter by a previous marriage, and the Rev. Charles 
Philpot, then curate of Thurcaston, a village on the outskirts 
of Leicester, the son of his present wife by the first of her 
three marriages. It may be safely inferred that the two 
families, though living thirty miles apart, had frequent 
opportunities of pleasant intercourse, for the younger members 
ended by pairing off, Peter Augustus Lafargue, then a dashing 
young ensign in the 4th 'King's Own) Regiment of Infantry, 
lately returned from Canada, marrying the lawyer's sole heiress, 
Harriett Hubbard, while Maria Lafargue, herself an heiress 
in a more modest way, gave her hand (in 1794) to Charles 
Philpot, who was some twelve years her senior, and settled 
down with him at Ripple, an ideally quiet village, a mile or 
two inland from Deal, of which he had been recently ap- 
pointed Rector. Here they lived until his death thirty years 
later, and here was written that lost History of the Huguenots 
which I have made the excuse for this paper. 

Charles Philpot's life (1760-1823) coincided almost ex- 
actly with the long reign of George III. His entry into the 
world had been sufficiently pathetic, and his early days were 
not, I believe, without their privations. For his father, also 
Charles Philpot, had died at the early age of twenty-three, 
shortly before his birth, leaving a widow, scarcely older, to 
bear the brunt of their somewhat improvident union. 

Of his ancestry I will give you the few facts I have been 
-^ble to authenticate. I started upon the inquiry in complete 
ignorance, and its result may at least interest you as an 
example of amateur genealogical research. 

From an old family paper I discovered that my grand- 
father had once been in possession of a small copyhold, of 
some 120 acres, known as Wallhouse Farm, at Lind- 
field, in the Manor of Balneth, Sussex, which had been sold 
some years after his death. By the courtesy of the present 
Lord of the Manor, my friend, Sir William Grantham, a 



search of the old Court Eolls was made, from which* it 
appears that, in April, 1753, the farm in question was sur- 
rendered by Thomas Godley, of Hastings, and Elizabeth, his 
wife, to Stephen Philpot, of Lewes, music and dancing-master, 
for his life and, after his death, to Elizabeth, his wife, for her 
life, and, on the death of the survivor, in trust for such 
persons as Elizabeth Philpot should by her will appoint, in 
default whereof the property was to go to Charles, son of the 
said Stephen and Elizabeth Philpot. 

In September 1761, Elizabeth Philpot made a will, where- 
by she devised the property to her grandson, Charles Philpot, 
for his life, with remainder as customary. 

In February 1771, both Stephen and Elizabeth Philpot 
being dead, Charles, their grandson, was admitted tenant of 
the farm, he being then eleven years of age, and his aunt, 
Ann Philpot, was appointed his guardian. 

In August 1775, Ann Philpot having married Philip 
Gastineau, of London, a pattern -drawer, a new guardian was 
appointed in the person of Joseph Glover, stepfather of the 
said Charles Philpot. 

The changes thus baldly recorded, which, I may incident- 
ally remark, provide an excellent illustration of the wealth 
of genealogical material buried in the old Manorial Court 
Eolls, were but the record, the reverberation of events which 
had been happening in another place, as will presently 

The next step in the inquiry was to find, if possible, the 
wills of the deceased music-master and of his wife. The latter 
I have been unable to unearth. It is neither at Lewes nor 
at Somerset House. But Stephen Philpot's will, dated May 5. 
1762, was proved at Lewes, December 10, 1770 (he having 
died on December 2) by the sole executrix Ann Philpot, to 
whom he left all his worldly wealth, though by a codicil, dated 
September 16, 176S, he bequeathed ' ten Pounds apiece of 
lawful money of Great Britain ' to his sons, George and 
Stephen, and to his daughter, Sarah, the wife of Edward 
Triniby, his son Charles being unmentioned. 

I have not been able to trace the parentage of Stephen 



Philpot, nor discovered what ground there is, if any, for the 
family tradition that he was of Huguenot origin. 

The presumption from the few facts in our possession is 
that Charles Philpot, the elder, vras the offspring of a second 
and more prosperous marriage on the part of the poor music- 
master, and probably that the parents of his assumed second 
wife were the Thomas and Elizabeth Godley, of Hastings, who 
surrendered Wallhouse Farm, apparently without any monetary 

The supposition clears away certain difficulties. The 
dapper, if delicate and sensitive-looking youth of this pencil 
sketch, which, with the significant exception of a book of 
MS. Studies for the Harpsichord, is the only personal relic I 
possess of the elder Charles Philpot, does not suggest to one 
a son of poverty-stricken parents. I do not know what was 
his calling, though the tradition is that he was a solicitor, nor 
how he came to migrate from Lewes to Leicester. But there 
is no doubt that he died at the latter town August 2, 1760, in 
the flower of his youth, and was buried, two days later, in 
St. Martin's Churchyard. 1 

His widow, Frances Groome by maiden name, who became, 
a few weeks later, the mother of the subject of this paper, was 
a woman of much force of character, and of great personal 
attractiveness, as you may gather from this photograph of 
her portrait. It was taken in later life, when she had become 
the wife of the wealthy Leicester lawyer, and her days of 
struggle were over ; not long, probably, before she died and was 
buried in the same graveyard where her young husband had 
been laid thirty-five years earlier.'- She has always seemed 
to me a very lovable old lady, and her face bears little sign 
of the hardships and sorrows through which she had passed. 
Her second marriage, at some date unknown, but previous to 
1773, to Joseph Glover, of Leicester, yeoman, if not exactly 
a prosperous one, had no doubt relieved her of some of the 
lonely burden of youthful widowhood and maternity, and her 

1 Parish Register of St. Martin's, Leicester, 1760, Charles Philpot, aged 23. 
buried August 4. 

* Ibid. 1795, Frances, wife of Robert Hubbard, buried April 18, aged 59. 



son, I have been told, always in after life spoke in terms of 
warmest gratitude and affection of the first of his stepfathers. 
Apart from this, the young orphan had little to help him in 
his escape from poverty and obscurity but his own talent 
and industry, and the inestimable advantage of a first-rate 
classical education at Leicester Free Grammar School. 

This school had recently enjoyed a period of remarkable 
prosperity under the Rev. Gerard Andrewes, a teacher of wide 
reputation, and had sent out into the world many distinguished 
pupils. It was a type of school once common throughout 
England, and to the poor boy of ability it offered advantages 
and prospects of a career which it would be difficult, if not 
impossible, for him to obtain at the present day. It provided a 
link — a loose one, perhaps, but yet a link — between the classes 
and the masses, who in our present system of education are 
kept only too rigidly apart. There is no limit, I believe, to 
the heights to which a brilliant board-school boy of the 
present day may not aspire. Theoretically he may become a 
judge, a university professor, a cabinet minister. He has all 
the advantages, all the opportunities, except that of having 
mingled on equal terms, in boyhood, with men of the class to 
which he aspires to rise. Under the old system of the free 
grammar school it was different. At Leicester, for instance, 
rich and poor, the high-bom and the low-born, met on the same 
benches and in the same playground, and it would be difficult 
to say which class derived the greater benefit from their 
common rivalry. The young Earl of Stamford and his 
brother rode in daily from Bradgate Park, and received no 
better an education than was open to the poorest town-boy. 
The system, it is true, was antiquated, though less antiquated 
by a hundred and fifty years than that of our present 
public schools. For the education that was provided free 
for all alike was an education in the classics, and in little 
else. The son of any burgess, who had reached the age of 
seven and could read correctly a chapter in the Testament, 
might claim to be taught the Eton Latin grammar, and so 
rise by easy stages to the top of the Humanities ; but he had 
to pay three half-crowns a quarter for the privilege of learning 
vol vni. NO. Ill T 



to cipher and to write, and two guineas a year in lieu of 
potation money, whatever that may mean. Town-boys, not 
the sons of freemen, were charged a guinea a quarter. At the 
time of which I write the school was crowded with the sons of 
burgesses, to the number of 300, and there were also boarders, 
for whom as late as the beginning of the last century the charge 
was only forty guineas per annum. By an old custom each 
boy was provided every morning with a loaf or bun, which was 
delivered to him in the school porch, a provision which shows 
that our ancestors were quite as alive as we are to the folly 
of attempting to educate an empty stomach. Lessons began 
at six in summer and seven in winter. One half-holiday in 
each week and two vacations of one month in each year were 
thought sufficient ; so that altogether the Leicester parent of 
that day seems to have enjoyed very enviable advantages. 

The school had been founded early in the sixteenth century, 
by one of the Wyggeston family, wealthy wool-staplers, whose- 
memory is still revered in Leicester, and at the time of which 
I write was held in a solid stone building dating back to 1573. 
a rugged pile of forest stone with walls 2h feet thick and 
roofed with slate. The building still stands, but I believe 
has sunk to strange uses, the school itself, after passing 
through many vicissitudes, having been finally merged in the 
splendidly-equipped Wyggeston Hospital Schools for children 
of both sexes. 1 

To return to Charles Philpot, whom we left at the schOol- 
porch with the morning bun in his little hand and the Latin 
accidence in his head. At the age of eleven, in the year 1771, 
he inherited the farm and some other property in Sussex, as 
already stated, and, four years later, his aunt surrendered her 
guardianship to his stepfather, Joseph Glover. I have before 
me a balance-sheet of the latter date, in which Philip 
Gastineau and Ann his wife give an account of their steward- 
ship. The fine on admittance, the heavy land tax and bills 
for repairs, to say nothing of a legacy with which the small 
estate was charged, more than swallow up the proceeds, and 

1 The History of Wyggeston'' s Hospital and the Old Free Grammar School, 
Leicester, by George Covrie, Leicester, 1893. 



the balance has to be made good from the kind stepfather's 
purse, the only items of personal benefit from the estate 
during the four years being one of £23 odd paid for clothes 
and schooling, and one of 4s. 6d. for a French Dictionary, which 
is interestingly prophetic. Joseph Glover, the newly appointed 
guardian, died in 1778, leaving a small property to his 
widow. 1 This was a year or so after his young stepson had gone 
up to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where he took his B.A. 
in 1780, and his M.A. in 1787. From 1784 to 1791 he was 
curate of Thurcaston near Leicester, a i bachelor living ' in 
the patronage of his college, and the birthplace of Bishop 
Latimer. In 1793 he was presented to the living of Ripple, 
and in 1794 (-July *24th), he married Maria Lafargue, 

I hurry over these dates in order to come to more in- 
teresting matter — the influences which formed and inspired 
the future historian of the Huguenots. 

Amongst the most distinguished of Gerard Andrewes' old 
pupils was a certain Dr. Richard Farmer, a Leicester trades- 
man's son, who by dint of sheer ability had raised himself to 
the position of Classical Tutor at Emmanuel College, Cam- 
bridge. In 1775, shortly before Charles Philpot went up, he had 
received the highest honour his college could bestow, that of 
Master, and had been succeeded in the Tutorship by Dr. 
William Bennett, better known as Bishop of Cloyne. It was 
no doubt owing to the interest which Dr. Farmer took in his 
old school that my grandfather entered at Emmanuel College, 
and it was with equally little doubt through the Master's 
example, friendship and encouragement, seconded by that of 
Dr. Bennett, that he became an enthusiastic scholar and 
student of the past. 

The latter half of the eighteenth century i3 not so negligi- 
ble a period in the history of English literature, as is 
currently supposed ; uneventful in original production, it was 
admirably active and fertile in the fields of scholarship, 
criticism and research. There was never a more eager and 

1 His will, dated Sept. 2, 1773, was proved at Leicester, Aug. 4, 1778, by 
Frances Glover, the relict and sole executrix, to whom, her heirs and assigns, 
he left two and a half yard-lands in Twyford, Leicestershire, recently purchased. 



assiduous band of students, scholars and antiquaries, than that 
which included such names as those of Samuel Johnson, 
Richard Porson, and Dr. Parr. Nothing has struck me more, 
in looking through their letters to each other— for they were 
copious correspondents — than the keenness and catholicity 
of their interest in everything connected with the past. 
Jonathan Oldbuck and Mr. Pickwick are but the degenerate 
and farcical survivors of what, in its prime, was a great and 
vital movement, during which the spirit of exact research 
first made itself felt in English letters, and the foundations 
of modern criticism, as well as those of modern science, were 

Amongst the coterie of learned men who adorned the 
early reign of George III. there, is no more quaint and 
engaging figure than that of Richard Farmer, the Master of 
Emmanuel, who, but for his invincible indolence, might have 
left behind him an enduring fame. His solitary publication, 
the racy 4 Essay on the Learning of Shakespeare,' in which 
he proved once for all that the poet had to rely upon trans- 
lations for his classical lore, formed an epoch in Shakespeare 
study, and may be read to this day with interest and profit. 
In essentials' it is a model of exact and exhaustive research, 
founded on the widest possible acquaintance with the litera- 
ture of the period. It is to be doubted indeed whether any 
subsequent authority has had quite such a complete know- 
ledge as he of Elizabethan literature. His library of old 
English books and scarce tracts was famous in his day, and 
the sale-catalogue is still consulted by the bibliophile. 

But Dr. Farmer had little ambition for literary fame. He 
was content to sit in College and smoke his pipe and drink his 
wine, and talk books and University shop with his chosen 
cronies. At Cambridge no one in his time had a tithe of his 
influence, and within his own college he was surrounded 
by loyal adherents who adored him for his kindliness, his 
affability, and his helpful sympathy, and revered him for his 
attainments. Eccentric m his dress and in his manner, he 
had not the least pretence or donnishness, and though a rabid 
Tory ; he was indifferent to the proprieties. Three things he 


loved, it was said of him : old port, old clothes and old books ; 
and three he hated : getting up, going to bed, and paving a 
bill. 1 

For a youngster fresh from school to have come under the 
influence of a man so able and yet so affable, so erudite and 
vet so human, was equivalent in itself to a liberal education, 
and it was to that inspiring example that my grandfather owed 
his lifelong devotion to study and what little literary reputa- 
tion he afterwards acquired. His other friend and mentor, 
Dr. William Bennett, was a man of somewhat different 
stamp, a fine classical critic and one of the most famous 
preachers of his day. But he too was equally keen in his 
endeavour to study and comprehend the past. His special 
hobby was the Roinan roads of England, and it is said that in 
the course of his life he had himself walked over nearly the 
whole of them. 

By natural bent, I think, my grandfather was rather a 
writer than a student, an author tKan a critic. He was born 
with the artist's desire to express himself, and research was 
for him a means rather than an end, as it was for Dr. 
Farmer. His first known essay in self-expression was a 
poem by which, in 1790, he gained the Seatonian prize at 
Cambridge. Fifty years previously a Mr. Seaton had endowed 
an annual English Prize-poem, the subject of which was to be 
' One of the Perfections or Attributes of the Supreme Power, 
and when these were exhausted, either Death, Judgment, 
Heaven, Hell, Purity of Heart, or whatever else might be 
judged by the Trustees most conducive to the Honour of the 
Supreme Being and recommendation of Virtue.' The income of 
the fund was to be expended in printing the best poem of the 
year and in rewarding the poet. I have before me as I write 
a copy of the successful Poem of 1790. It bears title ' Faith — 
a Vision — by Charles Philpot, M.A.' Composed at a period 
when poetry in England was at its very lowest ebb, it has no 
higher claim to immortality than the vast majority of prize- 
poems. I have read it with something of an effort. It has a 
happy phrase here and there, but it is not what later poets 

1 Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xviii., p. 214. London, 1S*9. 



have taught us to regard as poetry, as you may judge from 
the stanza I have selected for quotation. 

Faith personified, having extolled in turn Conviction, 
Eeason and Duty, continues : 

' Mortals attend ! on pow'rs like these rely, 
Nor prone to Earth ethereal vigour bend ; 
Taught by my Guidance, claim yon kindred Sky : 
Superior Natures ! Know your proper end — 
View well this boasted Life, its Essence trace ; 
Compare with future worlds and scenes sublime ; 
'Tis but an atom, pois'd with boundless space, 
A Moment balanc'd with eternal Time, 
A fleeting particle of vagrant light 
With yon effulgent Sun, for human ken too bright.' 

In the following year he gained the same prize with a 
poem, entitled ' Humility — a Night Thought.' I have never 
seen a copy, and therefore, for good or evil, I cannot quote it. 

But his most important work, published anonymously in 
1798, was on a much more ambitious scale, and one well 
calculated to display his erudition. It is entitled, ' An Intro- 
duction to the Literary History of the Fourteenth and 
Fifteenth Centuries.' Had he lived nearer our own times he 
would no doubt have called it ' An Introduction to the 
Study of the Renaissance.' In it the author rapidly traces 
the decline of learning in the later Eoman Empire, and 
reviews its condition in the tenth century. Next he con- 
siders the causes which led to the revival of learning, 
describing with abundant knowledge the effects of the Arab 
invasion and of the Crusades ; and he concludes with a 
review of the state of science, art, and polite literature in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the eve of the Renaissance. 
As a work it is chiefly remarkable for the extent of reading it 
exhibits, and it has long since been superseded by later and 
better histories. But it shows, as does also his ' History of 
the Reformed Church in France,' that, as regards the subjects 
which aroused his interest, the writer was undoubtedly in 
advance of his time. He had imagination, and was attracted 
by subjects and movements, the vital importance of which 
has only been fully recognized within our own memory. 


Works on the Renaissance are now to be numbered by the 
hundred, but Charles Philpot was amongst the earliest 
pioneers. His style, I regret to say, is vitiated by that curse 
of late eighteenth century literature, the curious search for 
polished antithesis. One feels too constantly that he is less 
concerned with ^hat he says, than with the way in which he 
says it. You will notice something of this mannerism in the 
Preface which I propose to read to you later on. It pleased 
our grandfathers' ears, but ours it repels. It is an obstruc- 
tion through which only the strong masculine sense of a 
Samuel Johnson, or the genius of a Gibbon, can send a living 

Apart from its literary activity, my grandfather's life was 
uneventful. His mother died, as I have said, at the age of 
fifty-nine, in 1795, the year after his marriage, and was 
followed seven years later by her husband, Robert Hubbard, 
described in a brief obituary, in the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' 
as an eminent solicitor of considerable professional abilities, 
sound judgment, and strict integrity. 1 In 1813 Charles 
Philpot was appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the 
vicarage of St. Margaret's-at-Cliffe, which he held in conjunc- 
tion with his old living, riding over for the services. Eight 
children were born to him, of whom only four survived him. 
His eldest son, Charles, a most promising naval officer, was 
cut off by sudden illness when just of age. There is a notice 
of his death in the £ Gentleman's Magazine,' in which I think 
I can trace his father's antithetical pen. 

Through all these • haps and mishaps my grandfather 
continued to work steadily at his ' History of the Rise and 
Progress of the Reformed Church in Prance,' happily never 
dreaming how fruitless his long labour was to prove. Every 
now and again he would go up to London with i'50 in his 
pocket, and work upon his subject at the public libraries, 
until his money was spent. From a phrase in the Preface I 
infer that the history was ready for publication some time 
before he died, and that his last years were spent in attempts 
to improve and supplement it. With his sudden death from 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, vol. Lxxii., p. 1068. 



apoplexy, Feb. 12, 18*23, the ' History ' itself lost all chance 
of life. At that period no one was sufficiently interested in 
the subject to take any trouble about its publication. Its 
author was buried in his own church, and the tablet to his 
memory may still be found, if hunted for, in the floor of the 
new church which has long since replaced the old structure. 
The cosy rectory in which the ' History ' was written still 
remains. I once made a pious pilgrimage there, and thought 
I had never seen a more fitting home for a quiet and thought- 
ful student. Deal, with its crowded beach facing the Downs, 
lies close at hand, Dover is within a walk. Ceaselessly, beyond 
the cliffs, the stately ships go by bearing news and mer- 
chandise from all the world. But Eipple, embowered in its 
trees, turns its back upon the World's Highway and seems 
content to dream upon the past. 

And now, Mr. President, with your permission I will read 
you the Preface, and allow my grandfather to speak for him- 

Preface to a 1 History of the Bise and Progress of the 
Beformecl ■ Church in France,' by the Eev. Charles 
Philpot, M.A. 

Under an impression that a History of the French Protestants 
and the Reformed Churches of France might recommend 
itself to the public notice, I engaged in the present under- 
taking. With much leisure, in possession of the principal 
Historians and with frequent opportunity of consulting the 
scarcer volumes in the public Libraries, there appeared little 
to prevent my design or retard its execution. My f ^.sk was 
gradually completed and I have now to submit to the reader 
a short sketch of its contents. I have in the first instance 
endeavoured to give a succinct account of the Introduction 
and progress of the reformed doctrines in the reigns of 
Francis I. and his son Henry II. during the whole of which 
period they subsisted and flourished independently of external 
causes or adventitious assistance. Very early in the reign of 



Francis II., their successor, the criminal ambition of the 
Guises raised up against them a powerful party, headed by 
the Princes of the Bourbon Family. By the latter the cause 
of Protestantism, equally the object of persecution with them- 
selves from the Lorraine faction, was espoused ; and from 
this era the ecclesiastical is so closely connected with the 
political history of the country, that it becomes difficult, or 
rather impracticable, to consider it any longer apart. A larger 
field opens on the writer, and he feels himself obliged to 
detail with precision the connections formed by the Protes- 
tant party with their countrymen at ■ home and their allies 
abroad, to trace their designs in the cabinet and attend their 
execution in the field. Nor does this busy and interesting 
period, which commenced with the conspiracy of Amboise, 
terminate but with the celebrated Edict of Nantes, under their 
great patron, Henry IY., a space of twenty-five years. 

It was probably this portion of their eventful History 
which attracted the attention of Gibbon, when he recom- 
mended it to the pen of his correspondent and brother- 
historian, Piobertson, by the striking observation ' that the 
events were important in themselves and intimately con- 
nected with the greatest revolutions in Europe, that some of 
the boldest or most amiable characters of modern history are 
to be found in it, such as the Admiral Coligny and Henry IV. 
and that the objects appear at that just distance which excites 
curiosity without rousing passion.' 

With the Edict of Nantes our labour ceases. We leave 
the French Protestants, after a series of dreadful struggles 
and trials, in possession of a liberal toleration and a regular 
and constitutional establishment. From this period their 
history assumes a different aspect, and almost reverts to its 
original complexion. They had no longer powerful chiefs at 
the head of their armies, a distinct Treasury, and a rival 
Church. They had fewer means of opposing the violence or 
counteracting the arts of their bigoted enemies, though near 
a century was employed in consummating their ruin. Great 
characters still rose amongst them, events splendid or in- 
teresting were still occurring, and the Catastrophe by which 



they fell, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, is one of the 
most memorable and affecting facts of the seventeenth 

From that fatal event their History becomes comparatively 
unimportant. They sink after their toils and suffering into 
indifference and apathy. Their enemies themselves grow 
tired and ashamed of persecution, and with few exceptions 
they continue till the Revolution in a state of obscurity and 
connivance, but with little interruption in the discharge of 
their religious duties. 

With the disposition and not without some preparation to 
complete the History of the French Protestants, I leave them 
at that period, the Edict of Nantes, when the Reformation 
was carried to the greatest extent it ever reached in that 
Kingdom. Perhaps I may have overrated the importance of 
the subject, it is more probable I have not treated it with 
the ability it demanded. I have sensibly felt the observation 
of Bossuet, when correcting a mistake of our Burnet, that no 
stranger can treat with perfect accuracy the interior regula- 
tions of a foreign state. But to exhibit a general idea of an 
historical subject and to present such an outline as may 
satisfy, if it does not completely gratify, an inquisitive mind, 
may fairly fall within the province of a stranger. This 
attempt at least I have presumed to make. Whether I shall 
make another must depend upon the decision of the public, 
on whose time and patience I have already made so con- 
siderable a trespass, and which I await with the greatest 

The authorities to which I have referred will appear at 
the foot of the page. I have given, as I ought, a decided 
preference to contemporary, though not to the total exclusion 
of later, writers. Beza, d'Aubigne, and the two great 
historians, Davila and Thuanus, may be considered in this 
light. Castelnau, La Noue, Sully and Brantome were them- 
selves actors in the scenes which they have described, and are 
entitled to the highest consideration. This remark may be 
extended to the authors of many other Memoires preserved in 
the excellent ' Collection pour servir a l'histoire de France,' 



;V;d the notes and commentaries which accompany them have 
been found extremely serviceable. 

The Spirit of the League, by Anquetil, is an interesting 
performance, replete with information, and he has made an 
admirable use of the Memoires of which I have just spoken. 
I have read with great pleasure and information La Cretelle's 
History of the Wars of Eeligion to the close of Charles IX. 's 
reign, and should have derived essential advantage from the 
completion of the work, and I have suspended the publica- 
tion of my own. He possesses many of the most important 
requisites of the Historical character. He is cool, impartial 
in his judgments and decisions; he has great penetration, 
and his views are liberal and extended ; his style is animated 
and often eloquent. It was not till I had made a consider- 
able advance in this undertaking that I met with the History 
of the French Reformation, by Laval, the Minister of a 
French Protestant Church in London. It was published by 
subscription, and appears from the first to have had but a 
limited circulation. It would however have saved me much 
research, as it is a valuable repository of useful matter, 
though very injudiciously disposed. The Author was a 
Frenchman, his style is extremely defective, and his party- 
spirit often sours his temper and mis 7 eads his judgment. 

I have added some notes and illustrations to the three 
fresh chapters ; and in the appendix I have collected some 
documents of considerable importance. Amongst them the 
reader will find the Articles of Faith and the Code of disci- 
pline, the Edict of January, which the Protestants always 
regarded as the great charter of their religious liberties, 
several of the most important Edicts of pacification, and the 
celebrated Edict of Nantes. Lastly an abridged view of their 
National Synods. I have had these papers printed in a 
small character and would apologize for the room they 
occupy, if I did not think them of the greatest importance 
towards the understanding the subject before the Eeader. 



(An Appendix.) 


A few years ago, at Mr. Faber's request, I made an investi- 
gation as to the history of some still existing Friendly Societies, 
founded by the French refugees not long after their arrival 
in England, and had the pleasure of reading a Paper on the 
subject, which was subsequently printed in our Proceedings? 
It now falls to my lot to bring to notice the rules of a society 
founded in Dublin in the year 1719 — roughly speaking, about 
the same date as that which saw the foundation of three 
of the French Friendly Societies in England. These rules, 
entitled ' Loix de la Societe Charitable des Francois Protestans 
Eefugiez a Dublin,' are contained in a well-written manuscript 
of four large-size folio pages, and were found among the 
papers of our late Assistant Secretary, the loss of whose ever- 
ready help so many of us still deplore. On the cover of the 
MS., which came to Mr. Overend through Miss Layard, was 
the memorandum, in his hand, ' to ask Mr. Waller to edit 
and print this.' I gladly comply with this request cT outre 

The Dublin Society was one which was more in the nature 
of a charitable than of a Friendly Society, as we now under- 
stand the term ; and its title so proclaims it. At the time 
the refugees and their families seem to have been in many 
cases in necessitous circumstances, and their richer neigh- 
bours were to be moved to help them. As compared with 
the periodical payments subsequently set out, the scheme 

1 Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, vol. vi. p. 201 (1901). 




ems to have been an ambitious one. ' We do not/ says the 
draughtsman, 4 limit our design to members only of our 
Societt ; our views are wider, and, please God, we intend to 
use a part of our income in assisting poor large families, 
either bv apprenticing children, or in some other way, being 
p< -rsuaded that lack of education and idleness are the greatest 
of all ills.' Following on this, there is talk of founding a 
school, in which gratuitous instruction, and in some cases 
food and clothing, might be provided for the scholars. It is 
significant that this idea is said to be derived from ' the 
nation in whose midst we dwell/ charity schools being- 
unknown in France. An almshouse for the aged is also 
contemplated. How many of these designs were carried out 
perhaps some Dublin correspondent may later on be able to 
tell us. The generous hearts which planned them confess 
that they could hardly hope to carry them out, in view of the 
slender funds at their present disposition ; but they were 
persuaded that the public would help, either by joining the 
Society, or making liberal contributions when sermons were 
preached on its behalf. 

The preamble is followed by twenty-four rules. The first 
declares that only Protestants of good character, who are 
elected by a majority of two-thirds of the members present, 
are qualified : the payment on entry is fixed at 5s. 5d. 
General meetings were held four times a year, at four o'clock ; 
absence entailed a fine of a shilling. Two charity sermons, 
one in March, the other in September, both on the first 
Monday in the month, were to be preached alternately in the 
French and Anglican churches. At these attendance was 
obligatory, under pain of a fine of Is. The quarterly 
payment was 2s. 6d., and any member who failed to pay 
anything for a whole year, was regarded as having quitted 
the Society and resigned all claim on its funds. 

The government of the Society was entrusted to eighteen 
committee-men, including the president and the two receivers. 
If necessary, seven of these, with the three officers specified, 
were to form a committee to transact interim business. The 
committee held office for a year, and nine retired every six 



months, other nine being chosen by lot out of eighteen 
nominated by the president and receivers — a very undemo- 
cratic method of election — which was probably also a source of 
revenue, inasmuch as anyone refusing to act after election 
had to pay 2s. 6d. The treasurer and secretary (a paid 
official) were permanent officers ; the president and receivers 
held office for six months, being elected by the Society out of 
the committee, and liable to a fine of 2s. 6d. on refusing to 
serve. The power of initiating a resolution apparently lay 
with the president. The treasurer, elected by the Society, 
had to provide security and give receipts for the Society's 
money, which receipts were kept under two locks, whereof 
the president held one key, and the receivers the other. 
Payments out were made on orders signed by the president 
and one receiver; the receivers paid their receipts to the 
treasurer every three months. 

In order to obtain a grant, application had to be made to 
the president, who was to summon a committee meeting 
without delay. This committee had power to make a weekly 
allowance, ranging from 2s. 6d. to 10s., according to the 
needs of the applicant ' et la grandeur de ses maux.' For 
anything beyond that a general meeting was required, except 
in the case of putting a member's child to school or as 
apprentice. When persons other than members of the 
Society made similar applications, the committee referred 
them to a general meeting, to which they reported what had 
happened and made propositions for future action. These 
propositions having been voted on, the election of officers took 
place, and resolutions were brought forward, and, if supported 
by three members, were debated. 

The behaviour of the meeting next receives attention. 
Threepence was the penalty paid by him who, after the 
president called for silence, interrupted the proceedings and 
caused disorder ; and if anyone went so far as to say an 
uncivil word, or utter an oath, the president severely censured 
him, and bade him ask pardon of the meeting for the scandal 
he had caused ; if he refused to do so he was expelled the 
Society. The violation of secrecy involved a censure and a 


penalty of 10s. : and 2 s. was the tine imposed on anyone 
introducing a stranger. 

With the last rule but one comes the preparation for a 
decent interment of the Society, when its end should appear 
inevitable. The Inst four members, on the Society being 
reduced to that number, were ordered to make over all the 
funds belonging to it to the Consistories of the French 
Protestant Churches in Dublin, in equal portions, to be by 
them distributed among the poor. If the four members 
proved recalcitrant, the Consistories were authorised to take 
legal measures against them. The twenty-fourth and last 
rule is concerned with the power to alter the constitution of 
the Society. 

These rules, or articles, were, it appears, the result of a 
revision made in 1723, those drawn up on the foundation of 
the Society in September, 1719, being thenceforth abrogated. 
They were read and approved at a General Meeting held in 
the -'Halle des Marechaux." on June 3. 1723, and signed by 
the members on the 17th following. As to the history of this 
Society, whether it flourished or whether it failed, I know not : 
but it is quite possible that one of our Fellows, resident in 
Ireland, may be able to give us some account of it. These, at 
least, were its rules, the spelling and accentuation of which 
are as in the manuscript : — 

Loix de la Societe Charitable des Francois Protestans 
Befugiez a Dublin. 

Le but que nous nous proposons en fonnant la Societe 
dont voici les loix est uniquement un but de charite. Toute 
personne qui connoit le Refuge ne peut ignorer qn'il n'y ait 
un grand nonibre de pauvres, mesme des families entieres, 
qui n'ont pas de quoi subvenir a leurs plus pressans besoins. 
Nous nous proposons done premierement d'empecher aucun 
des membres de cetie Societe, on de leurs families de tomber 
dans un si tr-iste Etat, en les assistant promptement et erhcace- 
ment, et en leur fournissant les secours necessaires. Mais 
nous ne bcrnons pas nos desseins aux seuls membres de notre 
Societe, nous portons nos veues plus loin, et s'il plait a la 



Providence Divine de benir nos intentions, nous nous pro- 
posons d'employer une partie de notre revenue a soulager des 
families nombreuses mais pauvres, soit en placant leurs 
enfants en apprentissage ou a l'Ecole, soit d'une autre 
maniere, persuadez que le manque d'education et Foisivite 
sont les plus grands de tons les main. Quand au chois des 
personnes que nous, assisterons, parmi un si grand nombre, 
qui se presentent journellement. nous protestons de n'avoir 
egard qu'au (sic) besoins plus ou moins pressant et sur tout a 
la bonne vie et aux meurs de sujets. Xous avons mesme 
dessein faire plus, et si les deniers que nous reeueillons, nous 
le permettent, nous nous proposons de fonder une Ecole ou 
les enfans des pauvres Refugiez soyent instruitz gratuitement 
ou mesme un certain nombre pourront etre vetus et nourris 
aux depens de la Societe, suivant l'example de la nation au 
milieu de la quelle nous vivons. Nous nous proposons aussi 
de fonder pareillement un Hopital, ou les personnes agees ou 
hors d'etat par leurs infirmitez de gagner leur vie puissent 
trouver un Azile. Ce sont la a la verite de grands desseins, et 
a peine nous [est] il permis d'esperer de pouvoir les executer 
vu le peu de fond que nous avons a present. Mais nous 
sommes fortement persuadez que des que le Public sera con- 
vaincu par experiance, de la purete et de la sincerite de nos 
intentions, chacun se fera un plaisir et mesme un devoir de 
concourir a faire reiissir notre Societe, et a la mettre en etat 
d'executer ces projets, soit en s'en faisant recevoir membre 
soit en contribuant liberalement les jours des Sermons pour la 
Societe, soit par des dons gratuits, et c'est a quoi nous les 
exhortons le plus fortement, qu'il nous est possible. Au 
reste nous prions Dieu qu'il lui plaise repandre sa benediction 
sur une Societe dont la ckarite est l'unique but. 

Article I. 

On n'admettra personne dans la Societe qui ne soit pro- 
testant, et de bonnes mceurs : et qui n'ait pour lui les deux 
tiers de voix des membres present. Chacun peyera Cinq 
shellings cinq Solz d'entree. 


Article II. 

II y aura quatre Assemblee generales par an Scavoir les 
premiers lundis de Septembre, de Descembre, de Mars, et de 
Juin. Chaque membre sera oblige de se trouver aux dites 
assemblies a quatre heures precises. Qui s'en absentera sans 
cause legitime peyera un Shelling. 

Article III. 

Chaque annee il y aura deux Sermons de charite, Scavoir 
le premier lundi de Mars, et le premier lundi de Septembre. 
Chaque membre sera oblige d'y assister. Qui s'en absentera 
sans cause legitime payera un Shelling : les exercises se 
feront alternativement dans les Eglises qui suivent la dis- 
cipline de France, et dans les Eglises Anglicane. 

Article IV. 

A toutes les assemblees generales chaque membre ap- 
portera sa Contribution, qui sera de trente solz par quartier ; 
Quiconque sera un an sans payer ses contributions, sera cense 
avoir renorce a la Societe. Quiconque sortira de la Societe 
de quelque maniere que ce soit ne pourra pretendre aucun 
des deniers, qu'il aura paye directement ou indirectement. 

Article V. 

II y aura 18 Commissaires y compris le president et les 
Eeceveurs, sept d'entreux avec ces trois officiers etant as- 
sembles quand les affaires le demanderont d*ans l'intervalie 
des assemblees generales ; feront un Comite pour regler les 
affaires. Les commissaires seront un an en charge, et tous les 
six mois il en sortira neuf. Pour les remplacer ; le President 
et les Eeceveurs nommeront 18 personnes dont neuf seront 
choisies par le sort ; Quiconque etant elu Commissaire 
refusera de servir payera trente solz. 

Article YL 

II y aura 5 officier3, deux qui seront en charge tant que la 
Societe le jugera a propos ; Scavoir le Thresorier et 1» 
vol. vii. — NO. III. u 



Secretaire, et 3 qui ne seront en charge que sixniois; Scavoir 
le President et les deux Receveurs. 

Article YIL 

Le President et les deux Receveurs seront elus par la 
Societe a la pluralite des voix du nombre des Comrnissaires ; 
si les elus refusent de servir il payeront trente solz. 

Article VIII. 

Le President moderera a toutes les assemblees ; fera les 
Propositions et Generalement tout ce qui est necessaire pour 
maintenir Fordre dans la Societe ; en cas d'egalite il aura deux 
voix ; II aura le pouvoir de convoquer les assemblees 
generales plus souvent qu'il n'est marque Tors que Timport- 
ance des affaires le requira ; Les Comrnissaires et les Re- 
ceveurs seront obligez de se trouver aux Assemblees particu- 
lieres qu'il indiquera. 

Article IX. 

Le Thresorier sera elu a la pluralite des voix par la 
Societe et donnera caution avant d'entrer dans 1'exercice de 
sa charge : il aura la garde de tout l'argent, dont il fera son 
billet a la dite Societe : Le billet sera dans une cassette a 
deux serrures dont le President aura une clef et un des 
Receveurs l'autre : Le Thresorier ne payera aucune somme 
sans un ordre signe du President et d'un des Receveurs, qui 
lui tiendra lieu de quittance. 

Article X. 

Les Receveurs auront soin de recueillir l'argent des 
Contributions et des amandes. lis rendront leurs compter 
tous les trois mois devant le Comite, et leurs comptes etant 
aretez, ils remettront l'argent qu'ils auront receu entre les 
mains du Thresorier, qu'il leur en fera un billet au nom de la 

Article XL 

Le Secretaire assistera a toutes les assemblies, tant 
Generales que Particulieres, il aura soin de faire generalement 



toates les Ecritures necessaires, il {era des minutes de toutes 
les resolutions qui se prendront ; mais elles n'auront force de 
loi, qu'apres avoir ete couchees sur le grand Livre des actes 
et signees par le president, un des Eeeeveurs, et le Secretaire. 
Le Secretaire sera paye" de ses peines. 

Article XII. 

Lorsque le President ou les Eeeeveurs seront absens on 
inalades, et que neanmoins les affaires requeront l'assemblee 
du Comite la personne absente ou malade sera authorised a 
prier tels des Commissaires quelle jugera a propos de tenir 
sa place et de s'acquiter de ses fontions, le mesme reglement 
aura lieu dans les temps d'Assemblee generale. 

Article XIII. 

Ce sera au Comite dans les intervalles des Assemblies 
generales que s'addresseront tous ceux, qui auront quelque 
proposition a faire. 

xArticle XIV. 

Un membre de la Societe, ayant besoin de secours, aura 
soin d'en faire avertir le President, qui assemblera prompte- 
ment le Comite, et a la pluralite des voix, on assistera ledit 
membre depuis trente solz jusques a dix shellings par semaine, 
selon se3 besoins, et la grandeur de ses maux : mais il n'y 
aura que l'Assemblee generale qui puisse passer les dix 
shellings par semaine. Que s'il se presente quelque enfant 
d'un des membres de la Societe pour etre mis soit a l'Ecole, 
soit en apprentissage le comite, s'il le juge apropos, sera 
authorize a le placer sans attendre l'Assemblee Generale. 

Article XV. 

C'est au Comite que s'addresseront les personnes qui ne 
sont pas membres de la Societe quy auront besoin de secours 
ou qui demenderont qu'on place leurs enfans soit en appren- 
tissage, soit a l'Ecole ; le Comite en fera le rapport a 
l'assemblee generale, aussi bien que de l'examen qu'il aura fait 
des sujetz proposez. 


Article XVI. 

Quand l'asserublee Generale aura resolu de placer quelques 
enfans soit a FEeole, soit en apprentissage ; le Coniite aura 
soin de le faire, et generalement d'executer toutes les resolu- 
tions de la Societe. 

Article XVII. 

A tous les Quartiers 1'Assemblee etant formee et les contri- 
butions payees le Comite rendra compte de tout ce qu'il aura 
fait pendant le dernier quartier et fera les propositions qu'il 
jugera convenables, pour que la Societe statue a la pluralite 
des voix ce qu'elle jugera a propos. Ensuite dans les assemblees 
de six mois on procedera a Telection des Conimissaires et des 
officiers, qui doivent rernplacer les Anciens, apivs quoy on 
agistera toutes les propositions, qui seront faites par quelques 
membres, et le President sera oblige de les mettre en delibera- 
tion, pourveu qu'elles soyent appuyees au moins de deux 
autres membres. 

Article XVIII. 

Quand le President aura demande le Silence a Fassemblee, 
ceux qui rinterrompront, ou qui de quelque maniere que ce 
soit, causeront quelque desordre, payeront trois solz a chaque 

Article XIX. 

S'il arrivoit que quelque membre de la Societe se laissat 
emporter a quelque parole malhonete ou a quelque serement, 
le President ausitost qu'il l'aura entendu, ou qu'on Ten aura 
averti, fera une censure forte au coupable, et Tobligera a 
demender pardon a 1'Assemblee du scandale, qu'il lui a donne : 
que s'il refuse de se soumetre, il sera exclus ae la Societe, et 
il ne pourra y etre admis de nouveau, qu'apres avoir fait 

Article XX. 

Aucun membre ne pourra reveler les choses faite3 ou dites 
flans la Societe, et qui lui puissent nuire, ou a quelqu'un des 
membres : Que s'il le fait il en sera censure publiquement 
par le President et payera dix shellings d'amende. 



Article XXI. 

Aucun membre ne pourra amener d'etranger dans les 
Assemblies ; sans le consentement de la Societe, sous peine de 
deux shellings d'aruande. 

Article XXII. 

Toute famille dont le chef sera mort membre de la Societe, 
sera censee apartenir a la Societe, et devoir en cas de besoin, 
etre assistee par preference. 

Article XXIII. 

S'il arrivoit que la Societe virit a n'etre plus composee que 
de quatre membres les dits membres restans seront obliges 
de remettre Targent qui se trouvera appartenir a la Societe de 
quelque maniere que ce soit aux Consistoires des Eglises 
Francoises Protestantes de Dublin par parties egales pour etre 
par lesdit Consistoires distribuez aux pauvres, et par ce 
Keglement ci en cas de refus ou de negligence de la part des 
quatre membres restans la Societe authorise aussi fortement 
qu'il lui est possible lesditz Consistoires a contraindre par 
telle voie de justice qu'il leur semblera la plus convenable, 
lesditz membres a venir a compte devant eux, et a leur 
remettre generalement les effectz appartenans a l'ors a la 
Societe, Et pour cet effect leur [don]ne tout le pouvoir dont 
ils peuvent avoir besoin. 

Article XXIY. 

La . Societe se reserve toujours le pouvoir de changer 
corriger retrancher et augmenter ces loix a la piuralite des 
voix, l'ors qu'elle le jugera a propos, pour mieux reussir dans 
le plan qu'elle s'est proposee de suivre. 

[In another hand.] 

Tous ces articles ont ete lus et approuvez en cette meme 
ferine et teneur dans rassemblee generate tenue a la Halle des 
Marechaux le 3 Juin, 1723. Et tous les membres en signe de 



consentement les ont soussignez le 17 du rneme mois dans 
une assemblee extraordinairement eonvoquee pour ce sujet : 
De sorte qu'a l'avenir les aneiens Articles statuez le 7 Sept. 
1719, lors de la fondation de cette Societe seront terms pour 
abrogez et ces Articles-ci seront ceux par lesquels ladite 
Societe se gouvernera desormais. 



The Fourdrinier family and Cardinal Newman. — 
Cardinal Newman's mother was a daughter of Henri Four- 
drinier. Henry's father, Paul, was born at Groningen in 
Holland, settled in England, and was buried at Wandsworth, 
on February 8, 1758. Before leaving Groningen he had 
married Susanna Grolleau, like himself a native of that place, 
and also, like him, a descendant of a family of Caen Huguenots. 
Her father, Louis Grolleau, was naturalised as a Dutchman 
in 1682. Henri Fourdrinier, the father of Paul, was born at 
Caen, and had fled with his whole family to Groningen, while 
the father and grandfather of Henri, also both named Henri, 
had lived and died at Caen. The last mentioned, born about 
1575, had been some time Admiral of France. It is 'known 
that the English Fourdriniers became a family of engravers. 
It is therefore likely that the Pierre Fourdrinier of the early 
biographical dictionaries is identical with Paul, the great- 
grandfather of the Cardinal. Pierre is described in these 
works as having lived over thirty years in London, and as 
having died in 1758, the year of Paul's burial at Wandsworth. 
He engraved the plates to ' Villas of the Ancients,' published 
by Castell, in 1728, seven years after the date of Paul's 
marriage to Susanna Grolleau at Groningen. This would 
leave time for his establishment in England. Pierre Four- 
drinier the younger is also described as a talented engraver 
of architectural subjects. His death is chronicled as having 
occurred in 1769. He may possibly be identical, under a 
second name, with Henri, the Cardinal's grandfather, who 
died January 11, 1799. The name Pierre does not occur in 


the Fourdrinier genealogy, but no second Christian names are 
given. {Communicated by S. W. Kershaw, F.S.A.) 

The Huguenot Lodge No. 2140. — It may be of interest to 
the Fellows of the Huguenot Society fo know that this 
Huguenot Masonic Lodge reached the twenty-first year of 
its existence on May 15. 

The Lodge was founded in 1886, chiefly by Directors of 
the French Hospital and by Fellows of the then newly 
established Huguenot Society. Its first principal officers were 
the Deputy Governor. Treasurer, and Secretary of the French 
Hospital — other officers and Founders of the Lodge were 
Brothers Dumas.. Hovenden, Moens, Bouniieu, Philbriek, 
Boileau, Archer Grellier, &c. The names of many of these 
Brethren have become cherished memories among the 
Huguenot communities of London, but some of the Founders 
are still on the list of officers, and active members of the 

TThile every endeavour is made to preserve the distinctive 
Huguenot character of the Lodge, the By-laws permit the 
election of a few members who are not of Huguenot descent. 
These, however, pay double entrance fees. 

The Lodge meets at the Criterion, on the third Wednesday 
in May, June, July and November. The meeting on May 15. 
and the subsequent Banquet, were held under the presidency 
of Brother Arthur Herve Browning, whose father, a Past 
President of the Huguenot Society, and one of the Founders 
of the Lodge, is Secretary. It may be mentioned that in 
recognition of the exceptional ability shown by Brother Herve 
Browning during his first year of office as Worshipful Master 
he was unanimously elected to serve a second year, and that 
he is probably the youngest Mason in England enjoying such 
a distinction. 

Information as to the Lodge may be obtained from the 
Secretary, A. Giraud Browning, Esq., 16 Victoria Street,. S.W. 



Vol. Vni. No. 4 

vol. vm. — NO. IV. 




Wednesday, November 13, 1907. 
W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting, held on May 8, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Miss Chabot, 46 West Cromwell Road, Earl's Court, S.W. 
Henry du Cros, Esq., M.P., Levetleigh, St. Leonards-on-Sea. 
Miss Kensington, 145 Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, W. 
Mrs. Mylne, 145 Gloucester Terrace, Hyde Park, W. 
Alfred Pascall, Esq., Sonnenberg, Wallington. 
Colonel Duncan George Pitcher, 101 Inverness Terrace, W. 
Alec J. Raven, Esq., F.S.A.Scot., Capital and Counties Bank, 

Alfred Sabonadiere, Esq., Tonge House, York Road, West 
Norwood, S.E. 

George Redesdale Brooker Spain, Esq., 10 Victoria Square, 

Mrs. Wilson, Heatherbank, Weybridge. 

A Paper was read by Mr. R. A. Austen Leigh on ' The 
Trench Family in France and Ireland.' 






Wednesday, January S, 190S. 

The Rev. G. W. Minns, LL.B., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the 


The Minutes of the Meeting held on November 13, 1907, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Richard Cameron North Palairet, Esq., 36 Bedford Gardens, 
Kensington, W. 

Captain Arthur Hovell Romilly, 23 Snowdon Road, Eccles, 

Mrs. Emily Mary Chenevix Trench, Broomfield, Camberley. 

A Paper was read by Sir William J. Collins, M.D., M.P., 
on 1 Sir Samuel Romilly.' 






Wednesday, March 11, 1908. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on January 8 were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 

Stephen Smith Duval, Esq., South Grove House, Highgate, N. 

Walter John Magrath Lefroy, Esq., 157 Ashley Gardens, S.W., 
and Gratwicke House, Littlehampton. 

Miss Dora Platel Reid, Granshaw, Lindisfarne Road, New- 

Samuel Romilly Boget, Esq., A.M.Inst.C.E., A.M.I.E.E., 
13 Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, W. 

A Lecture entitled ' Jean Petitot, Miniature Painter,' and 
illustrated by coloured lantern slides, was given by Mr. Cyril 
J. Davenport, V.D., F.S.A. 







Wednesday, May 13, 1908. 

W. Minet, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on March 11 were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : 
James Reader White Bros, Esq., 31 Elm Park Gardens, S.W. 
Henry Martyn Cadman-Jones, Esq., 9 Durham Terrace, 

Westbourne Gardens ; W. 
Miss Ellen Erne Drummond, 103 Warwick Road, S.W. 
Miss Faber, 90 Regent's Park Road, N.W. 
Miss Grace Lefroy, 8 Lancaster Place, S.W. 
Captain Charles Eckford Luard, 20 Elm Tree Road, N.W. 
Alfred William Oke, Esq., LL.M., Orielton, Highfield Lane, 

Southampton, and 32 Denmark Villas, Hove. 
Mrs. Ward, Colne House, Iver, Bucks. 

The Annual Report of the Council was read as follows : 

Beport of the Council to the Twenty -fourth Annual General 
Meeting of the Huguenot Society of London. 

The Council has to report that during the past year the 
Society has lost eight Fellows by death and nine by with- 
drawal, making a total loss of seventeen. Against these 



losses, however, it has to set the number of new Fellows 
elected, viz. twenty-five, making a net increase of eight. 

Amongst the losses by death, that in October of last year, 
of Mr. Arthur Giraud Browning, a former President of the 
Society, calls for special mention in this report. It was so 
largely due to the initiative of Mr. Browning that the Society 
was first founded that he may be regarded in no small 
measure as its father, and his interest in its work and objects 
continued unabated to the last days of his life. A liberal 
benefactor to the Society, he was also a contributor of many 
papers of great interest to its published Proceedings. His 
familiar presence at the regular meetings, where his special 
acquaintance with Huguenot history enabled him to speak 
with authority upon most subjects that came up for discussion, 
will be sorely missed. 

The Treasurer's accompanying balance-sheet shows an 
income for the year 1907 of 678/. 16s. Id., and an expenditure 
of 572/., these figures including the sum of 200/. taken from 
deposit and 100/. placed therein. 

There is also a sum of 1,022/. 10s. 8d. invested in 2h per 
Gent. Consols, and 113/. 8s. 4r7. in the same as a temporary 
investment ; also 100/. on deposit and 100/. on special deposit. 

The Council has again the pleasure to express its indebted- 
ness to the Treasurer for the great amount of time and labour 
he has always so willingly devoted to the accounts. It has 
also to record its thanks to the Auditors, Messrs. Ptousselet 
and Le Bailly, and to Messrs. Nasmith and Shephard, 
who have continued to act as the honorary brokers to the 
Society. The serious illness of the Honorary Secretary, which 
has prevented him from appearing at the recent meetings, 
has been matter of great regret to the Council, but, whilst 
sincerely hoping for his speedy restoration to health, it has 
to express its keen appreciation of the way in which, even 
under circumstances of much difficulty, Mr. Faber has con- 
tinued to place his valuable experience and assistance at the 
service of the Society. 

During the past twelve months there have been issued the 
third number of the eighth volume of Proceedings, and the 



third volume of the Returns of Aliens, the latter edited by 
the Messrs. R. E. G. and E. F. Kirk. 

The Index to the Returns of Aliens, which it has been 
found necessary to issue as a separate volume, has been com- 
pleted at press, and will, it is hoped, be very shortly issued. 

The Portarlington Registers, which are being edited by 
Mr. T. P. Le Fanu, have been through unavoidable causes 
delayed in the press, but the whole of the volume, including 
the Index, is now in the printers' hands, and will, it is expected, 
be ready for issue in the course of the next few months. 

A volume of the Denizations and Naturalizations, 
under the editorship of Dr. Shaw, is being completed down to 
the year 1700, and will probably be ready for issue before the 
end of the year. 

The fourth number of the eighth volume of Proceedings 
will also be issued in the course of the year. 

The Council has, moreover, arranged with Mr. Charles E. 
Lart to purchase copies of the Registers of the Protestant 
Church of Caen, which he is having privately printed, for issue 
to the Fellows. The first volume has just been completed at 
press, and will be in the hands of Fellows probably by the 
end of the present month. 

In accordance with the By-laws, which now limit his term 
of office to three years, the President is retiring, and the 
Council feels that the opportunity should here be taken of 
returning its hearty thanks to Mr. Minet for the devoted 
loyalty he has shown to the interests of the Society during 
his tenure of office and for the worthy manner in which he 
has succeeded in maintaining its best traditions. Mr. Minet's 
annual addresses to the Fellows have been of very great 
interest and are full of valuable suggestion to all who are 
engaged in the particular work of research and historical 
study which it is the Society's chief object to promote. 

The ballot was taken for the Officers and Council for the 
ensuing year, with the following result : 

Officers and Council for the year May 1908 to May 1909. 
President — Sir William Wyndham Portal, Bart., F.S.A. 



Vice-Presidents — The Right Hon. the Earl of Radnor; 
Robert Hovenden, F.S.A. ; William Minet, F.S.A. ; the Rev. 
George William Walter Minns, F.S.A. 

Treasurer — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary — Reginald Stanley Faber, F.S.A. 

Members of Council— Arthur Herve Browning: Lieut. - 
General Stephen Chamier, C.B., R.A. ; Cyril James Daven- 
port, V.D , F.S.A. ; T. C. Colyer-Fergusson ; John Courroux ; 
William John Hardy, F.S.A. ; Richard Arthur Austen Leigh ; 
Philip Hubert Martin eau ; Sir Alexander Brooke Pechell, 
Bart. ; Joseph Henry Philpot, M.D., M.R.C.P. ; Evelyn 
Riviere ; William Chapman Waller, P.S.A. 

During the taking of the ballot, the President exhibited 
and briefly explained two ' mereaux ' of Protestant churches 
in Poitou, which he had recently acquired. 

Mr. Minet having read his Address as President, inducted 
Sir William W. Portal into the Presidential Chair, and after 
a brief speech by the new President the proceedings terminated. 






By WILLIAM MINET, F.S.A., President. 

The report of the Council has informed you as to the statistical 
position of the Society, and it remains for me in the few 
remarks I have to address to you to introduce a more personal 
t dement. 

We have lost eight members by death during the year- 
two of whom have taken a prominent part in our history. 

Edouard Belleroche, Chevalier of the Order of Leopold, 
was an original member, and sometime of the Council. In 
earlier years he was a constant attendant at our meetings, 
and in 1890 added a valuable historical contribution to our 
Proceedings in the form of an account of the famous siege of 

William Jerdone Braikenridge joined the Society in the 
year following its foundation. W 7 e saw but little of him, but 
his fame as a collector was widespread. Among his especial 
treasures were the cradle of Henry Y. and a unique mazer 
bowl, the sale of which, in the early part of this year, attracted 
universal attention. 

Baron du Bois de Ferrieres was closely connected with 
Cheltenham, which he at one time represented in Parliament, 
and where he had lived for forty-eight years. His name is 



sufficient explanation of his connection with our Society, but 
his main interests in life lay with the town of his adoption, 
which his generosity enriched with many artistic gifts. 

Of Arthur Giraud Browning, our last President and our 
Founder, for the moment I say nothing. 

Mrs. Rylands had not, so far as I am aware, any Huguenot 
connection ; her membership must be attributed to her desire 
that the Library which bears her name should be as complete 
as possible in every direction. 

General Sir George Augustus Schomberg, K.C.B., belonged 
to us for the sake of perpetuating the traditions of his name. 
From 1841 to 18S6 he was in the active service of the Crown, 
and the record of his career shows how thoroughly he ex- 
emplified the great type of the Huguenot soldier. 

Lieut. -Colonel James Roger Bramble came of the old 
Huguenot stock of the Marchants. He took a keen interest 
in -archaeology, evidenced by his Fellowship of the Society 
of Antiquaries, and was also well known in the ranks of 

Edouard Majolier succeeded his father in membership of 
the Society, and frequently attended its meetings. He had 
preserved more than any of us the French side of his 
character, and a great part of his time was spent on the 
family estate at Congenies, in the South of France, where he 
died as recently as April 21 last. In him the French 
Hospital loses a Director. 

It has been customary at these, our annual meetings, to 
add to this brief catalogue of losses by death during the year 
a few remarks which, while they have had the Society as 
their text, have varied in their tenor with the personality of 
the President. 

I obey the custom, nor have I far to seek for an inspira- 
tion, for of the losses I have just enumerated one stands out 
pre-eminent, as greater to us than all the others, and you 
will be as expectant, as I am desirous, that this, the last 
Presidential Address I shall have the honour to give, should 
take the form of a tribute to the memory of our Founder and 
last President, Mr. Arthur Giraud Browning. 






So long as the Huguenots remained a separate people in 
this the land of their adoption, speaking a separate tongue 
and maintaining a separate church organisation, there was no 
need of any Society to perpetuate the story of their faith and 
of their flight. Burnt into the lives of the first generation, 
their varied experiences had become a part of their very 
selves ; the second and the third learnt the tale from the 
lips of their fathers, and learnt it in the old familiar French 

Societies they founded, many ; but, naturally, none of 
them were historical. What the time called for was help for 
the less successful in the struggle, and this was given with 
no niggard hand, but its form was always charitable or 

But little by little the mother-tongue died out, and the 
churches, the great gathering places of Huguenot life, became 
fewer as they merged one into the other. The reason was 
obvious : what had been French was becoming English. To- 
day the change is complete, and the living experiences of our 
forefathers stir us but as a tale that is told. 

Of the institutions founded in the earlier days many 
have failed for lack of present need. One, however,, the 
French Hospital, survived, and in 1866 took fresh life on its 
removal from the City to a new home near to Victoria Park. 
Here Mr. Browning in 1873 became a 'Director,' and here 
he found a field which gave his inclinations and his abilities 
their fullest scope. 

The first intention of the French Hospital has ever been, 
and remains to-day, charitable. But Mr. Browning saw that 
such aim could best be attained by combining with it a secon- 
dary purpose, and here I must quote his own words. The 
Directors, he said, looked on the Hospital 'as something 
more than an asylum for " Poor French Protestants and then- 
descendants residing in Great Britain." They rightly deter- 
mined that this, the chief secular memorial of the Huguenot 
immigration to this country, should be made to enshrine, so 
far as possible, the history and traditions of its founders, and 
to become the central rendezvous of all who, by descent or by 



association, are interested in any of the various fields of 
inquiry which are opened up by the study of Huguenot 
history.' s 

These principles are at once the key to Mr. Browning's 
character and to his success ; for all practical work, if it is to 
succeed, must be work from an ideal. For thirty-four years, 
partly as Secretary (1875-1898), partly as Deputy Governor 
(1898-1907), he directed the affairs of the Hospital. Never, 
it is safe to say, has irs benevolence been so wisely adminis- 
tered, never has the practical side of its work been so well 
ordered, as during this period. His zeal had a power of com- 
municating something of its own touch to others ; while his 
insistence on the tradition and feeling which lay at the root 
of the work drew and kept to it many to whom the mere dry 
business would have been no attraction. 

Little by little during those thirty-four years, and under 
his happy guidance, the French Hospital became a storehouse 
of all that concerned the story and tradition of the Huguenot 
race, and this without ever infringing on funds limited, by the 
terms of the Charter, to benevolent objects. 

Of unbounded generosity himself, much of what has been 
gathered in is due directly to Mr. Browning ; but his example 
inspired others, and where he lid many followed. 

He succeeded as it is not always given to men to succeed, 
but his very success after a time forced on his mind the con- 
clusion that the French Hospital did not afford a scope wide 
enough or free enough for his ideal. The Hospital must 
always have for its main object benevolence ; the number of 
the Directors was limited both by the Charter and by custom, 
nor could their gatherings there provide sufficient opportunity 
for the development of the historic and literary side of the 
subject. It became obvious to him that something more was 
needed, and that the something more was a Huguenot Society. 
Such a Society would gather to itself many more than the 
thirty-seven Directors of the Hospital, and would be burdened 
with no business cares. 

1 Catalogue, of tlie Library of the French Hospital, third edition. Canter- 
bury, 1901. (Introduction.) 



Again the inspiration of his zeal carried bis purpose 
through, and the idea, after brief discussion, took shape in 
1S85, when the Huguenot Society of London was formally 

If we now ask — Has it realised the aims of its Founder? 
I think we may answer ' Yes ' and yet ' No ' in the same 
breath ; for to leave 4 Yes ' unqualified would be to admit that 
we remain with no further ideal to strive for. We have 
avoided the many dangers and pitfalls which some feared in 
early days, by keeping our gaze steadily fixed on history and 
literature ; and what we have done in these fields I leave to 
our printed records to tell. We have also carried into practice 
another of our Founder's principles, which was, that all work 
prospered better if to the social side of it due prominence was 
given. One more desire held by Mr. Browning was, that some 
day we should have a home of our own, and no more be but 
transient tavern-guests : this remains to be striven for, if we 
would give to his wishes their full fruition. 

Despite his quiet modesty, Mr. Browning was proud of his 
work, and we who gather here, in a certain sense his creatures, 
may well be proud of it too. We are no more a separate folk, 
and what influence we possess to-day is as Englishmen and 
not as Frenchmen. Many of us have almost forgotten that 
we ever were French, so thin has the Huguenot stream run. 
But French we were and French we remain, however un- 
wittingly in many cases. This fact must be borne in mind 
by anyone who would seek to unravel the tangled skein of 
human character and human motive. The task of this 
Society is to preserve the evidences of this central fact, and 
so to assist the philosopher and the historian of the future. 

Much of what we produce with this end in view may seem 
to many of us dull, and lacking in current interest. Some of 
us may even be inclined to exclaim with the cynical Boman, 
' Stemmata quid faciunt ? ' ; but Mr. Browning knew better, 
and we, on whose shoulders his mantle has fallen, try to know 
better also. Without detail all broad views of history are 
impossible. History has only recently become an exact science, 
and none knows better than he who professes it that it i3 a 



science based of necessity on the dust of records. These 
records we are accumulating and perpetuating in such fashion 
that they may endure to the advantage of all future thinkers 
and historians. 

Personally, too, we find our own profit therein ; for there 
is hardly one of us who may not, in our already published 
records, trace back his line to those who held their faith 
higher than their life, so that there stand before each one of 
us to-day, as examples, the figures of those from whom we 
are sprung. 

So much, then, of the ideal Mr. Browning had before him 
in founding the Huguenot Society, and of what the Society 
itself has done to uphold that ideal. 

And now comes the question : What of the man himself ? 
To this, difficult as it is, I will attempt some kind of answer, 
not for you who saw him face to face, but for posterity, whose 
task it must be to carry on the work which he began. Difficult 
the answer would be even to one who had known him in all 
the varied aspects of his life, and all through that life ; to 
me, who only knew him in this Huguenot connection, here 
and at the Hospital, for five and twenty years, the answer is 
perhaps still more difficult. I can but tell you how he 
appeared to me. 

A practical man : a man, that is, who, having once seen a 
need, has the gift to divine and to £rasp the best and surest 
way of meeting it. Combined with this a clear business 
faculty, a care for and a power over detail, so that no small 
thing which lay on the road to achievement was neglected. 

A thorough man : one who did nothing he had set his 
heart on doing but he did it with his whole heart, leaving 
nothing undone. 

A persevering man, never swerving from the path he had 
once set himself to tread, and following it with the tireless 
energy of which he had no lack. 

Such qualities as these we find not infrequently combined, 
and they are qualities which commonly lead to success ; but, 
if they be not tempered, to success oftentimes in utter dis- 
regard of others. 



Bat with Mr. Browning it was not so, for his strength was 
tempered with the tact and gentleness which go to the making 
of a true gentleman. Kindly, and of infinite charity ; 
courteous, and ever ready to listen to the opinions of others ; 
generous to a point that you know not of, nor I. To these 
qualities add imagination and sentiment, with a strong touch 
of humour, which is the perfect flux of all qualities. 

These are the points which struck me ; by these he lives 
and will live in my memory ; and I would say of him as 
Plutarch said of the heroes whose lives he penned: 'The 
virtues of these men serve me as a sort of looking-glass, in 
which I may see how to adjust and adorn my own life.' 







Although I have been for twenty years a Felloe of the 
Huguenot Society I have hitherto successfully evaded the 
courteous suggestions of the Honorary Officers that I should 
contribute a paper. I have been overawed by the wealth 
of erudition and archaeological research which the papers 
contributed habitually display, and with which the fragment 
I now offer will bear no comparison. 

As a scion of the House of Garnault, to which Sir Samuel 
Eomilly's mother belonged, I have felt it something of a 
reproach that hitherto no appreciation of the life and work of 
one of the greatest of Huguenots has found a place in our 

Sir Samuel Eomilly was not only a child of the Revocation 
(both his parents belonging to refugee families), but he was 
also a friend, at any rate in its earlier stages, of the Revo- 
lution which the succeeding century witnessed. 

His life was full of interest alike from the years it covered 
and the friendships he enjoyed on both sides of the Channel, 
and though political memories are notoriously short I have 
been surprised to rind how little the labours of this gentle 
soul are remembered even in parliamentary circles. 

It was into the England of the later years of King George 
the Second that Samuel Eomilly was born. Of that monarch 
and that time Thackeray has given an entertaining if un- 
edifying and possibly overdrawn portrayal. Of that ' choleric 
little sovereign ' who reigned in Britain, and revelled in 
Hanover, the author of the ' Four George? ' says : ' He gave 
Englishmen no conquests, but he gave them peace and ease 



and freedom ; the Three per Cents, nearly at par ; and wheat 
at five and twenty shillings a quarter.' It was the England 
on which the sun of Walpole had set in mingled storm and 
glory, and on \s hich the fairer and nobler star of ' the Great 
Commoner ' was about to rise. In the first year of the 
ministry of the elder, and two years before the birth of the 
younger, Pitt, began the life of Eomilly, which was abruptly 
closed, in overwhelming sorrow, one and sixty years later. 

But it was not with the England of the Court nor of the 
Cabinet, then shaping into modern form, that this saintly 
soul claimed natural kinship, though we shall see he influenced 
both. The England in which he lived and moved and had 
his being was the England of ' the new philanthropy,' as it 
has been most fitly called. 

It is a blessed parados that the mid-eighteenth century 
epoch, given over to political place-hunting and corruption, to 
cock-fighting, hard swearing and deep drinking, to coarse 
pleasures and shallow orthodoxy, should have had running 
through it as a vein of precious ore the impassioned zeal of the 
Wesleys and TVhitefield and the more practical philanthropy 
of John Howard. These lofty souls were instinct with 
that fiery rectitude which inflamed the later work of Eomilly ; 
these saved from putrefaction the England which Hogarth 
satirised on canvas and Horace Walpole sketched in gossip. 

Samuel Eomilly was born on March 1, 1757, at No. 18 
Prith Street, Soho (east side). His parents, Peter Eomilly 
and Margaret Garnault, were both children of French Pro- 
testant refugees. An interesting account of his parents' rather 
chequered courtship appears in the Autobiography. Peter 
Eomilly, our hero's father, who was born in 1712, had been 
apprenticed to a jeweller, by name Lafosse, in Broad Street, 
City. Among his fellow-apprentices was young Garnault, 
also a Huguenot. This lad had a sister, to whom Peter was 
presented. We learn from the Autobiography that this 
' acquaintance grew into a mutual passion. The brother long 
encouraged it ; but afterwards, either from a change in his 
own prospects in life, founded on a hope which he conceived 
that a rich uncle would leave him his estate, or from mere 



caprice, he began to look on my (Samuel's) father with cool- 
ness, disapproved the visits to his sister, and at last desired 
that they might be discontinued. She had no money, indeed, 
but she had rich relations, and they too were averse to her 
marrying a young man without fortune, and with no other 
expectations than what industry, honesty, youth and good 
health could enable him to form. The passion, however, 
which, under the sanction of her nearest relations, she had 
indulged, had taken too strong possession of her mind to be 
dismissed just as they should dictate ; but what she could do 
she did, she submitted to their authority, resigned all hopes 
of marrying my (Samuel's) father, and gave herself up to a 
despair which destroyed her health, and endangered her life.' 

Whether this exemplary though external obedience was 
only part of a deeply laid design on the part of Margaret 
Garnault whereby to achieve her heart's desire we are not 
permitted to know ; but in the ' Life of Sir Samuel,' by his 
sons, there follows this pathetic passage an ominous gap, and 
in an editorial footnote we are informed : ' In this part of the 
MS. there is a considerable erasure. The writer had no 
doubt proceeded to give an account of his father's marriage, 
and of the circumstances connected with that event ; but 
dissatisfied, as it would seem, with what he had written, he 
expunged several pages. This chasm in the narrative he 
never afterwards filled up ; and the papers he has left do not 
afford any materials from which to supply the deficiency, 
beyond the fact that Miss Garnault's family at length con- 
sented to her union with Mr. Eomilly's father, which accord- 
ingly took place.' 1 

1 The Garnault family came from Chatellerault in Poitou. I have searched 
the parish, registers there and have found in those of the Church of Saint 
Jean Baptiste numerous entries of baptisms, marriages, and burials of Garnaults 
between 16G5 and 1744. The branch from which Eomilly's mother came is 
extinct in the male line, but in the female Dne survives in the families of 
Vautier, Ouvry, Bowles, Treacher, and Collins. The Garnaults were Governors 
of the New River Company, and Garnault Place, Islington, close to the New 
Eiver Head perpetuates the association. 

The Komilly family came from Montpellier. and is represented in the direct 
male line by the 4th Baron Romilly, born 1899. Th* 1st Baron, son of Sir 
Samuel, was Master of the Rolls. The families related to Romilly include 
those of Seymour, Elliott, Crompton, Swanston ^"cholson, Willink, Bigham. 



Samuel Eomilly, writing in 1796, then thirty- nine years 
of age, and twelve years after the death of his father, gives 
an amiable picture of the latter. He appears to have been 
a genial, homely man, religious without austerity, and 
charitable sometimes to the point of improvidence. He was 
very sensitive, quick in expressing what he felt, and liable to 
transient though violent transports of indignation. He yet 
bore no resentment, and was a warm friend ; he delighted in 
bis library, which he gathered as he prospered, and betrayed 
a weakness for the collection of old prints. 

Finding the atmosphere of Frith Street, Soho, where 
Samuel was born, far from salubrious for his family, Peter 
Eomilly migrated to the High Street in Marylebone, then a small 
village a mile west of London, and there in his leisure hours he 
busied himself with his garden. Of his mother Sir Samuel is 
less communicative ; she seems to have been very delicate in 
health, and his up-bringing fell largely to a maternal relative, 
Madame Facquier, who instructed him, his brother Thomas 
and sister Catherine in the Bible, the 'Spectator,' and an 
English translation of Fenelon's - Telemachus.' This strange 
curriculum was largely supplemented by a Methodist maid- 
servant, one Mary ' Evans, whose tender solicitude was 
apparently reciprocated by the warmest affection on the part 
of the young Eomillys. 

This ultra-evangelical up-bringing may have fostered a 
tendency to melancholy and that morbid introspection and 
foreboding of which his Autobiography betrays traces from 
first to last. He tells us how the enjoyment of witnessing 
the play of ' Zara,' in which the immortal Garrick figured, 
was marred by the fears it aroused in him of his father's early 
death. Amongst his lighter literature at this time were a ' Book 
of Martyrs ' and the ' Newgate Calendar,' which, to say the 
least, were ill calculated to remove any predisposition towards 
melancholia in a peculiarly sensitive and shrinking character. 

Sundays claimed a divided allegiance to the Huguenot 
service of the refugees and that of the Established Church 
in the land of their adoption. 

For a while Samuel attended a school kept by another 



refugee — Mr. Flack — whom he regarded with repugnance, and 
at fourteen his formal education terminated. His father pre- 
destined him for the law, though he held the doctrine that 
' few men succeed in any profession which they have not 
themselves adopted,' and he accordingly did not press his 
preference imperatively. His father, it seems, possessed but 
one legal friend, a Mr. Liddel, a fat, ruddy, and slovenly 
personage, whose unpropitious individuality became identified 
with the law in young Eomilly's mind so as to fill him with 
disgust ; and, for a while, he put aside all idea of adopting 
that faculty whose goal is the woolsack. He was then offered 
a clerkship in the counting-house of an ex-Lord Mayor, Sir 
Samuel Fludyer, a cousin of his father's, and he was accord- 
ingly initiated into the science and art of bookkeeping ; but 
the principal succumbed to apoplexy, and the mercantile 
career was thus nipped in the bud. 

For the next two years he kept his father's books, but 
he kept other books as well. His thirst for literature was 
prodigious, and he raided all the libraries within his reach. 
He renewed and improved his classical studies, mastering 
Cicero, Livy, Sallust, Tacitus, Ovid, Virgil, and Horace, with 
the help of a Mr. Paterson, of Bury Street, St. James's. 
This stripling of sixteen summers also dipped into science, 
attended lectures by Martin, an optician in Fleet Street, and 
sharing his father's love of prints and pictures, he was 
attracted to the Eoyal Academy, where he listened to dis- 
courses on architecture and painting. He even tried his 
hand at poetry, imitating Spenser, and in a flight of self- 
complacency, outclassed, in his own estimation, even Dryden 
himself. French came easily to him, as it was often spoken 
at home by these exiles from the sunny land ; and, taking 
Boileau as his prototype in style, he attempted translations 
from the poems of that master. 

About this time the family circumstances of the Bomillys 
were materially advanced by substantial legacies from M. de 
la Haize, of High Cross, Tottenham, a wealthy relative of his 
mother's family, the Garnaults, whose benefactions ameliorated 
the lot of several refugee families. 




A pleasant picture is given in bis diary of their home lire 
in High Street, Marylebone. His mother's health improved : 
she was more with them. Years afterwards he recalls in happy 
reminiscence the little parlour with its green paper and Barto- 
lozzis, and the cosy fireside with the Italian greyhound, the 
cat, and the spaniel basking before it in perfect harmony. 

This desultory life of omnivorous reading at home and 
keeping the books of the jeweller's shop began to pall on the 
rapidly developing mind of our young hero. He was by this 
time stuffed with the classics almost to the same extent as 
that other juvenile prodigy, two years his junior, who as great 
Chatham's son, the younger Pitt, was destined to add yet 
.greater lustre to an illustrious name, and guide the ship of 
state for near a score of years. 

The Court of Chancery, that circumlocution office, which 
typified the law's delay, and upon which satirists and wits 
hurled their sarcasms in vain, next claimed the attention of 
young Eomilly. It was projected that he should become a 
sworn clerk in Chancery, and accordingly to the amiable 
Mr. Lally, one of the official six, he was duly articled. The 
cares of an office which dealt so inexpeditiously with the 
business of others appear to have left him ample time for 
the pursuit of his own, and in the leisure of his abundant 
vacation we find him busy with Addison, Swift, Bolingbroke, 
and Hume, noting down, as he tells us, every peculiar pro- 
priety and felicity of expression which he met with, and which 
he was conscious that he would not himself have employed. 

Through the Rev. John -Boget, of Geneva, the pastor of 
the French chapel he attended, he was introduced to the 
writings of Bousseau, that brilliant, erratic, philosophic, and 
unprincipled master of style, that paradox of philosophy and 
literature. Boget had a powerful influence over Eomilly, 
whose elder sister he married, and to him are directed some 
thirty letters preserved in the Autobiography, full of delightful 
contemporary gossip, and instinct with the evolving thought 
of young Eomilly in his twenties. 4 

But the vision of the woolsack again began to dazzle his 
ambition, and, Mr. Liddel notwithstanding, the law claimed 



him at last, and in his twenty-first year Samuel Eomilly 
became a student at Gray's Inn. His decision he attributes 
to the perusal of an eloge by Antoine Thomas, but the 
encouragement he received from his brother-in-law Eoget 
clearly incited him to the selection of this profession as 
opening to him a career in which he might, as an advocate 
and a senator, give vent and voice to the reforming zeal with 
which his spirit was already consumed. Indeed, we can trace 
in his case, as in that of the poet Wordsworth, a dedication — 
nay, almost a consecration — to his life's work. This was when 
staying in 1781 with Eoget and his sister in Switzerland. At 
Lausanne one starlit night, as he and Eoget paced the terrace 
overlooking the eastern end of the fair Lake Leman, in that 
Alpine solitude, the cradle of freedom and the very temple of 
natural piety, his friend discovered to Eomilly the powers 
that were latent in him. Years afterwards, in those curious 
introspective letters he directed to himself, he tells how the 
time, the scenery, the awful stillness of that night, the ideas 
which the conversation set afloat in his mind, animated them 
both ; and how Eoget, in a spirit of prophecy, unfolded to 
him his future life — how he would, in an exalted station, 
exercise the ' noblest faculties of the soul in improving the 
condition of mankind, and add to the happiness of millions 
yet unborn.' 

He gave no vows but vows were then made for him 
That he should be, else sinning greatly, a dedicated spirit. 

At Gray's Inn he read in chambers with a Mr. Spranger. 
He started a commonplace book which he says proved of the 
greatest service to him, and, acting on a suggestion he found 
in * Quintilian,' he was in the habit during his walks, even in 
crowded streets, of expressing to himself, in the best language 
he could command, the thoughts of the authors he had been 
reading. He attended the debates at the House of Commons, 
and even tried his hands at political journalism, and was 
gratified to find his anonymous contributions habitually 
accepted. This close application to study, however, told upon 
his health. He became morbid, dyspeptic and melancholy. 



Hath and the chalybeate waters of Islington were recom- 
mended and tried, and the necessity of rest was impressed 
upon him by his doctor, Sir William Watson. But London 
«us then in a state of unrest. Parliament had tardily 
removed some of the disabilities under which Eoman 
Catholics laboured and groaned, and Lord George Gordon, at 
the head of his Protestant Association, was agitating for 
repeal of the measure. The excitement culminated in June 
1780, when a mob of some 100,000 persons marched to 
Westminster with a monster petition. Eiots ensued ; Catholic 
chapels were raided. London was in flames in a dozen 
directions ; prisons were broken open, and Lord Mansfield's 
furniture was bonfired in Bloomsbury Square. Piomilly vras 
sworn in as a special constable, and after some nights on duty 
at Holborn Gate he suffered a serious relapse, and began to 
despair that ' for the rest of his days he would be a wretched 
valetudinarian.' This gloomy vaticination appears to have 
been averted by a timely visit to his sister and Eoget at 
Geneva. This Continental trip, by the friendships he 
acquired and the resolves he then formed, proved a most 
potent determining factor in his future career. 

At that time the city of the Eeformation that had yielded 
to Calvin's rigid rule and witnessed the fiery martyrdom of 
Servetus was seething with political revolution. The aristo- 
crats, supported by foreign arms, were in close grips with the 
so-called popular party. The life and soul of the latter party 
was Etienne Dumont. He was almost of the same age a* 
Eomilly, a Protestant parson, with philosophic ideals and 
prepared for political action. Eoget lost no time in putting 
these kindred souls into communication. A tour they under- 
took through the Savoy, over the Tete Xoire, and round 
Lake Geneva served to cement a life-long friendship. Both 
a little later became ardent disciples and admirers of Jeremy 
Bentham, who was the senior of both by some ten years. 
Returning home revived in body and mind, Eomilly passed 
through Paris, then rejoicing, by royal command, at the birth 
of a Dauphin. He saw the Court of Versailles, with the ill- 
fated. Louis XYI. and Marie Antoinette, in all the pompous 



pageantry of the proudest and vilest Society in Europe 
Through a friend of his father's, a Genevese (M, Eomilly), he 
was introduced to the academic groves of the Encyclopaedists. 
He conversed with Diderot, then nearly threescore and ten, 
yet gay, buoyant, and confiding ; they talked of politics, 
religion, and Bousseau, then recently dead. The old man 
was frankly atheistic and cautiously republican, but bitter 
and apprehensive when they spoke of the departed Jean 
Jacques and of his eagerly expected, posthumously published, 
'Confessions.' D'Alembert he found infirm and taciturn, 
a praiser only of the times gone by. Eeturning to England, 
he brought back with him a little unacknowledged work by 
Condorcet on Slavery ; this he translated, but he could find no 
bookseller who would undertake its publication in this country. 

Eomilly was called to the Bar in 1783, and went 
the Midland Circuit ; later on he regularly attended the 
Quarter Sessions at Warwick. In his vacations he often 
returned to the Continent. At Passy, near Paris, in the 
spring of 1783, at the house of Madame Delessert, who had 
been a friend of Bousseau's in his later years, he made the 
acquaintance of Benjamin Franklin, then in his seventy- 
seventh year— that beau ideal of the self-taught and the 
self-made, to whom nothing human came amiss. He is thus 
sketched in Boruilly's diary : ' Of all the celebrated persons 
whom in my life I have chanced to see, Dr. Franklin, both 
from his appearance and his conversation, seemed to me the 
most remarkable. His venerable patriarchal appearance, the 
simplicity of his manner and language, and the novelty of his 
observations — at least the novelty of them at that time to 
me — impressed me with an opinion of him as of one of the most 
extraordinary men that ever existed.' 

In 1784 Eomilly lost his father. This loss, following 
rapidly on the death of his much-loved brother-in-law, Eoget, 
plunged their family circle into grief. 

The Methodist maidservant married a yet more evangelical 
shoemaker by name Bickers, but prosperity did not attend 
their path, and Eomilly, out of regard for his old nurse, took 
Bickers as his servant on circuit with him. Humour was 



a quality with which our hero was, like many another philo- 
sophic Whig, not liberally endowed. Romilly's man became 
the sport of the Bar Mess, he was nicknamed 'the Quaker,' 
he occasionally got drunk, and he warned his master that he 
was ruining his prospects in his profession by seeking to 
reform its abuses instead of profiting by them. On this the 
diary laments : ' It is not easy to give an idea of the great 
familiarity which existed among the young men who went the 
circuit, of the strong disposition there was to turn things into 
ridicule which prevailed, and how very formidable that ridicule 

Tho year 1784 was a memorable one for the commence- 
ment of a friendship between Romilly and Mirabeau, a friend- 
ship only terminated by the untimely death of the Count in 
1791. Carlyle does not romance when he declares that had 
this marvellous personality lived ' the history of France and 
of the world had been different ' ; it is not less true that the 
influence he had upon Eomilly was profound, and the admira- 
tion this ' cloud-compeller,' this profligate, who knew every 
villainy yet knew not the word impossible, evoked in our 
Huguenot Puritan, was as striking as it was strange. They 
met frequently both in London and Paris, and there are 
letters extant which passed between them full of contemporary 
incidents of the exciting times which immediately preceded 
the French Revolution. Through Mirabeau Eomilly was 
introduced to Lord Lansdowne, who at Bowood dispensed 
a noble hospitality to philanthropists and philosophers and 
extended a patronage worthy of Maecenas to that Augustan 
age of literary genius. It was at Bowood that Eomilly met 
Miss Anne Garbett, whom he married in 1798, with whom he 
lived in unbroken happiness for twenty years, and whose 
death he could not endure to survive. Eomilly made excuses 
for the excesses, aberrations, and vain eccentricities of his 
friend the Count, who appears to have held that ' petty 
moralities are the enemies of the great morals.' The 
astounding egotism and consciousness of playing a great 
part on the world's stage which engrossed the citoyens of 
the revolutionary period found its most flamboyant develop- 



ment in the Count de Mirabeau. Neither in life nor in death 
had he aught, of delicacy false or real about him. As he 
breathed his last he said to the friend at his bedside, ' Support 
that head of mine : would I could bequeath it to you,' and he 
on more than one occasion reproved Eomilly for his 1 damn- 
able timidity and amiable modesty : for a powerful mind 
(said he) ought to have the consciousness of its own power ; 
shyness is not modesty, nor is timidity prudence.' Eomilly 
translated a tract by Mirabeau directed against the order of 
the Cincinnati. Arising out of this tract there was a quarrel 
between Mirabeau and Sir Joseph Banks, the President of 
the Eoyal Society, and also with John Wilkes, who was then 
M.P. for Middlesex, and who had just succeeded in getting the 
resolutions which expelled him from the House expunged 
from its minutes. Mirabeau had met Eomilly's Swiss friend 
Dumont in Paris, had recognised his abilities, and more suo 
had exploited his brains. He was an inveterate plagiarist. 
Indeed, many of the finest writings and speeches of the Count's 
emanated, as was afterwards established, from the cultured 
mind of the Pasteur Dumont. 

The passion for letters, and the pursuit of a correct style, 
possessed the best minds of Western Europe in that last 
quarter of the eighteenth century. Hume, following Locke 
in his philosophy, had finished his ' History of England' in 
1761. Gibbon was busy at Lausanne with his magniloquent 
' Decline and Fall of Eome.' Samuel Johnson had closed 
his chequered life's work in 1784, and had been laid to rest 
alongside his old friend Garrick in the Abbey. Adam Smith 
had laid the foundations of ' Political Economy ' by his 
* Wealth of Nations,' which appeared in 1776, the year of the 
Declaration of Independence. Burke, though nicknamed the 
dinner-bell of the House, was in speech and writing com- 
posing some of the stateliest essays in our tongue, and Tom 
Paine's less polished but more vigorous English was ' trying 
the hearts of men ' on both sides of the Atlantic. To have 
known these giants of literature in the flesh, as well as those 
on the Continent who followed or fell foul of the brilliant and 
erratic Eousseau, must have been a liberal education and an 


inspiration indeed. This was Eomilly's privilege, and to the 
fall he enjoyed his citizenship of this republic of letters. 
Pamphleteering was the order of the day. Jeremy Bentham 
had won the regard of Lord Lansclowne and the hospitalities 
of Bowood by his ' Fragment on Government/ and Romilly 
soon followed him with his ' Fragment on the Constitutional 
Power and Duties of Juries.' This, like other essays whose 
object was to expound the principles of that amorphous 
marvel the British Constitution, was circulated gratuitously 
by the so-called Constitutional Society. Indeed, Burke causti- 
cally remarked these tracts were never as charitably read as 
they were charitably published. This literary trifle pleased 
Lord Lansdowne, and he was anxious that Romilly should enter 
the House of Commons ; he also urged him to further essays 
in literature. A tract by Xladan had then just appeared, 
entitled ' Thoughts on Executive Justice,' in which it was 
maintained that the certainty of punishment is more efficacious 
than its severity in the prevention of crime. Nevertheless, 
the author advocated the rigid enforcement of the barbarous 
and sanguinary penal code which at that time disgraced our 
statute bock. The pamphlet was widely read and did ixs 
deadly work. In 1783, the year before the publication oi 
Madan's tract, there were in London fifty-one executions. In 
1785, the year after its circulation amongst the judges, there 
were ninety-seven, and indeed London that year gazed on the 
unfamiliar and gruesome spectacle of a score of executions 
taking place at one time. This fired the soul of the exile 
whose ancestors had tasted the severities of the law, and who 
could hold no terms with these methods of barbarism ; he 
wrote a reply to Maclan, but though it gratified his friends, 
tne protest fell on deaf ears as far as the Bench was con- 
cerned. The time for reforming the code was not yet come. 

In 1788 he paid his third visit to Paris with Pasteur 
Dumont as his companion. The Court of Versailles was still 
parading a dazzling magnificence, heedless of the volcano 
upon whose verge it sported, and in which ere long the whole 
godless tartaferie was to be engulfed. 

Our Huguenot revisiting the land of his forebears took 



stock of the situation. On the one hand he met the ill-fated 
but magnanimous Malesherbes, the less unfortunate and 
liberty-loving Lafayette, the brilliant but fearful Condorcet, 
and of course Mirabeau. On the other hand he observed the 
squalor and oppression which were destroying the common 
folk body and soul. He visited hospital and prison, and 
wrote at Mirabeau's request a pamphlet entitled ' An English 
Traveller's Letter on the Prison of Bicetre,' in which he gave 
vent to the dismay and disgust with which the sights he had 
witnessed had inspired him. The publication was promptly 
suppressed by the Paris police. We learn from a letter to 
PtOget that Eomilly had made himself acquainted with the 
self-denying labours of John Howard, and in later life we 
read of his meeting Mrs. Elizabeth Fry. Of the life work of 
the former he says : ' What a singular journey, not to admire 
the wonders of art and nature, not to visit courts and ape 
their manners ; but to dive into dungeons, to compare the 
misery of men in different climates, to study the arts of 
mitigating the torments of mankind ! ' It is not difficult to 
find in Piomilly an affinite de cceur with these pioneers of 
prison reform. 

Eomilly, like Burke and Fox and many another Whig, 
watched with satisfaction the earlier stages of the French 
Bevolution and the Assembly of the States General. Bousseau 
had been his idol, and indeed he had inscribed upon the first 
page of his * Emile,' ' Malo cum Platone errare quam cum aliis 
vera sentire.' To the revolution he looked for the reign on 
earth of the lofty principles his master had enunciated. He 
had yet to learn that his idol had feet of clay, and that the 
revolution, having devoured her own children, was to leave 
a heritage of despotism, scarcely less oppressive than that it 
had destroyed. 

While still a republican enthusiast he published in 1790, 
' Thoughts on the Probable Influence of the late Bevolution in 
France on Great Britain,' and at the request of the Count de 
Sarsfield he drew up a code of standing orders for the use of 
the Assembly of the States General, based upon the procedure 
of the House of Commons. It was, however, ignored by that 



impetuous and disorderly isTalional Assembly. They rushed 
their resolutions through without debate, and even without 
reducing them to writing, decreeing the principle, as they 
termed it, by acclamation, and leaving the redaction to a 
subsequent occasion. The rules of good debate and the science 
of order were accordingly thrown away on this riotous and 
undeliberate executive. 

Eomilly could not, however, resist the temptation of running 
over to France in the Long Vacation of 1789 and witnessing 
the sessions of the Assembly then being held at Versailles. 

The Bastille, that emblem of political oppression, had 
fallen on July 14, and Paris was handed over to the excesses 
of mob law. He dined with the prudent Necker, who was no 
match for Mirabeau in debate. He conversed with the Abbe 
Sieves; who complained of the abolition of tithes. ' These 
people who want to be free,' he exclaimed, ' know not how to 
be just.' He saw and heard the seagreen incorruptible 
Robespierre, but that fanatic had not yet risen to fame as the 
Man of the Mountain on the shoulders of the Jacobin Club. 
So far as this mad vortex of events may be said to have 
had a brain or presiding genius it was that of Pasteur 
Dumont, who fed Mirabeau with ideas and even words. 1 
Eomilly was anxious that Dumont should write the his- 
tory of these epoch-making times. Part of this projected 
history was translated by him into English, and, together 
with some articles of his own, appeared as ' Letters 
containing an account of the late revolution in France, 
and observations on the laws, manners, and institutions of 
the English, written during the author's residence at Paris, 
Versailles, and London in the years 1789-90. Translated 
from the German of Henry Frederic Groenvelt.' When later 
events and developments sickened and estranged the earlier 
friends of the revolution, Eomilly appears to have repented of 
this compilation, and so far as he was able destroyed every 
copy he could lay hands on. 

By the kindness of Lady Seymour (Sir Samuel's grand- 
daughter) I ha^e been enabled to see one of the very few sur- 

1 See Recollections of Mirabeau, by Etienne Dumont. 1832. 




viving copies of this little octavo volume of some 37 1 pages. It 
was printed by Johnson, of St. Paul's Churchyard, in 1792. 
The preface modestly claims for the supposititious foreign critic 
of English ways ' nothing but plain sense.' The letters 
Nos. 1 to 12, doubtless from the pen of Dumont, were, it is 
there stated, added as an afterthought, since they were found to 
comprise a more complete account of the late revolution than 
had yet appeared in this country. The remaining letters would 
seem (with the exception of No. 23, which was by Scarlett, 
the first Lord Abinger) to have been by Eomilly. They con- 
stitute a slashing contemporary indictment of the civil and 
criminal law and of the Constitution of England in the 
eighteenth century, all the freer in tone in consequence of 
their being naively represented as the innocent reflections of 
an unknown but critical German student visiting this country. 

When Eomilly returned to Paris in 1802 he relates with 
disillusioned regret that, ' what strikes a foreigner as most 
extraordinary is that the despotism which prevails, and the 
vexatious and trifling regulations of the police are all carried 
on in the name of liberty and equality.' To Bonaparte, then 
first Consul, he declined to be presented. He, however, saw 
Napoleon, then in his thirty-third year, at the Louvre, and 
he notes : ' None of the prints of him are very like. He has 
a mildness, a serenity in his countenance which is very 
prepossessing ; and none of that sternness which is to be 
found in his picture. 7 • Yet he says it seems very wonderful 
by what means Bonaparte can maintain so absolute a power. 
' His character is of that kind which inspires fear much more 
than it conciliates affection. He is not popular. The public 
have no attachment to him. They do not enjoy his greatness. 
He seems to despise popularity, and takes no pains to gain 
the affections of the people. That he meditates gaining fresh 
laurels in war can hardly be doubted, if the accounts which 
one hears of his- restless disposition be true.' France was 
then habituated to bloodshed, the guillotine was still at work 
in the Place de Greve, as Eomilly bears witness, and the 
marks of the cannon balls were yet visible oife the Tuileries. 
All emblems of regality had been blotted out, and Liberte, 



Egalite et Fraternite ou la mort were emblazoned on all 
the public buildings. The sanguinary Fouche, who had worn 
an aristocrat's ear in his hat as a national cockade, was chief 
of the police, and no man or woman's liberty was worth 
a moment's purchase. Yet Eomilly tells us the opera and 
the theatres were in full swing, and at the former he saw 
Madame Eecamier, then at the commencement of her reign as 
the unacknowledged queen of the salons of the gay and fickle 
city. Notre Dame he found re-established as the temple of 
Reason, and all the paraphernalia of Catholicism had been 
torn from its walls. He met at dinner the cold, craftj r yet 
accomplished Talleyrand, of ' vulpine understanding,' as 
Carlyle has it, and Charles James Fox was also among the 

From this highly coloured and dramatic life back to the 
drab of his new domestic hearth in prosaic Gower Street 
(No. 54 1 ), and to daily practice in the law-courts of London, 
was a transformation indeed. His rise to eminence at the 
bar was rapid, despite the early forebodings and searchings of 
heart in which his autobiography abounds. He had taken 
silk in 1800 : in 1805 he was made Chancellor of the County 
Palatine of Durham, and the Prince of Wales had occasion to 
requisition his services. That scape-grace prince, ' the first 
gentleman in Europe,' who gambled at Brooks's and patronised 
the Whigs, seems to have formed a high opinion of Komiliy 
and predestined him for office in the event of the overthrow 
of Pitt. 

Meanwhile the news of Napoleon's triumphal progress 
through Europe and his formation of a huge camp at Boulogne 
sent terror through the stoutest hearts in the country. The 
armies of Austria and Russia had been crushed by the victorious 
Emperor of the French, and, according to Wilberforce, Auster- 
litz killed Pitt. In the dark days of January 1806, ' the 
great Commoner,' though but forty-seven, was known to be 
sick unto death, and according to the classical accounts died 

1 At my suggestion the London County Council proposed to indicate ty 
a medalUon that Sir Samuel Eomilly lived at this bouse. The Duice of Bedicrd 
on learning of the proposal caused a bronze tablet to be put up. 

VOL. YIH. —NO. IV. z 



crying, 1 My country, oh my country,' on the 23rd of that 
month. His Cabinet could not survive him, and at once 
fell to pieces. The Whigs, with Lord Grenville as Prime 
Minister, came into office, and Eomilly became Solicitor- 
General to the Government, vrhich from its illustrious 
composition is known to history as the Ministry of All the 

Lord Erskine was the Chancellor, but he clearly recog- 
nised his own limitations. He applied to Eomilly for his 
assistance, saying, ' You must make me a Chancellor now, 
that 1 may make you one afterwards.' On February 12, 
1806, the new Ministers kissed hands, and Eomilly, according 
to custom, was knighted by the King, and on the 24th he 
took his seat in the House as Member for Queenborough. 

The Cabinet of All the Talents was too good to last, and its 
liberal measures of domestic reform were conceived in a spirit 
far in advance of the time. Death had removed Fox, mourned 
alike by friend and foe, and on March 25, 1807, George III. 
dismissed Lord Grenville, while the Tories resumed office till 
the end of the great war. Eomilly, however, was more at 
home in opposition than in office, and as leader of many 
reforms and the hero of many forlorn causes we find him 
constantly taking part in the debates of the Commons during 
the remaining twelve years of his life. He was now in hi? 
prime and in the position for which both destiny and inclina- 
tion appear to have prepared him. Let us recall the impression 
he at this time made upon his contemporaries. We are told 
that he was of tall and graceful figure, that he had a 
melodious voice and possessed features of classical regularity. 
The well-known portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence in our 
national collection confirms this word-picture. Scarlett says 
he was a man of reserved habits and cold demeanour, but 
under that exterior he carried the warmest heart and most 
generous emotions. In mixed company he was more a 
listener than a talker, but was animated and free with his 
intimates. He was austere to the verge of puritanism, and 
his chief relaxation during term was a long walk. Wis 
excited by controversy, Scarlett says, his temper was easily 



provoked, and opponents thought him intolerant, and he was 
certainly severe upon bad reasoning. Like most reformers 
he was highly sensitive, and he sometimes carried political 
resentment to extremes. Thus he abandoned a lifelong 
friendship with Percival in consequence of a political differ- 
ence. In speech it is said his diction was as chaste as his 
logic was cogent. He was not content with laying good 
matter before his audience, but he was ever aiming after and 
perfecting the form and style of his address. He did not 
persuade by his rhetoric, but convinced by his logic. He had 
the eye of a hawk for weak spots in his opponent's case, 
with unerring instinct he fastened on a fallacy, and ^*ith 
animated facility he would expose it to the derision of his 
audience. He was fearless in attack and formidable in reply. 
His memory was marvellous, and his capacity for reading in- 
exhaustible ; he was said to take in a whole page at a glance. 

Eomilly's reputation in the House, according to the testi- 
mony of his contemporaries, and even of his opponents, stood 
high. He was a parliamentarian first and a lawyer second. 
Xo place-hunting attorney was he, afraid to champion an 
unpopular cause or figure in a miserable minority. A genial 
politician of our own day has happily said of him, ' Among 
the many brilliant lawyers who have, like birds of passage, 
flitted through the House of Commons on their way to what 
they thought to be better things, I know but one of whom I 
could honestly say, " May my soul be with his ! " I refer to Sir 
Samuel Eomilly, the very perfection in my eyes of a lawyer, 
a gentleman, and a Member of Parliament, whose pure figure 
stands out in the frieze or our Parliamentary history like the 
figure of an Apollo amongst a herd of satyrs and goats/ 1 

Eomilly had in his own mind forecast his career with almost 
prophetic accuracy when only twenty-two years of age. In a 
letter of his dated June 17, 1779 (for which I am indebted to 
Lady Seymour), he says, ' The business of my life will be to 
render service to my country and my fellow citizens ; it is my 
duty, however fruitless my efforts should prove, not to lose 
courage, but constantly to aspire to a degree of eminence 

1 A. Birrell, Miscellanies, 1901. 



which will give a larger field to my industry.' He adds, 
* This would, I know, with the world pass for a philosophic 
apology for vanity and ambition, but I hope from you I am 
not to expect the judgment of the world.' 

Although Parliamentary reporting in the first two decades- 
of last century was far from satisfactory, there have been 
compiled by William Peter two volumes of Bomilly's speeches, 
published in 1820. We find him speaking on the Mutiny 
Bill in 1S06 in favour of enlistment of soldiers for a limited 
period instead of for an indefinite time, and arguing for a 
citizen soldiery rather than a professional, anticipating by 
half a century the Volunteer movement of which we have 
witnessed such a striking development in our own time. The 
same year he employed his eloquent invective in denunciation 
of the slave trade, which he stigmatised as 4 an abominable 
and disgraceful traffic,' ' a stain upon our national reputation 
that ought instantly to be wiped away.' He spoke in support 
of a motion by Fox for the final and complete abolition of the 
slave trade. This was one of the last oratorical efforts of 
him whom Burke called the ' greatest debater the world 
ever saw,' and the occasion was worthy of his powers. Lowell 
writing at the time of the American war apostrophises 
slavery as — 

the earth-born Cyclops, fellest of the giant brood, 
Sons of brutish Force and Darkness, who have drenched the earth 
with blood. 

And Bomilly seems to have anticipated him, for he denounced 
the odious traffic as being carried on by ' robbery, rapine, and 
murder,' and in his diary he notes that these words gave great 
offence to some gentlemen, particularly to General Gascoyne, 
one of the members for Liverpool, Sir William Young, and 
George Eose ; but he significantly adds, £ as I should think it 
criminal to speak of such a trade otherwise than as it really is, 
I shall probably use the same expressions again when I have 
next occasion to speak of it.' The mealy-mouthedness that 
dared not shock the smug proprieties of Mr. Worldly Wiseman, 
and the complacency of the Christian merchant who waxed 
fat on forced labour and scoffed at the horrors of the middle 


passage, were foreign to the fiery rectitude of Samuel Romilly. 
He had learnt the lesson how — 

to side with Truth is noble when you share her wretched crust, 
Ere her cause bring fame and profit, and 'tis prosperous to be just. 
Then it is the b.-ave man chooses while the coward stands aside, 
Doubting in his abject spirit, till his Lord is crucified, 
And the multitude make virtue of the faith they have denied. 

The time for argument had, he held, gone by : at that time 
the trade could only be defended by refuted arguments and 
disproved assertions. Nearly twenty years had passed since 
Wilberforce under a spreading oak at Hoi wood had, in con- 
versation with Pitt, resolved to address himself to that reform 
from which his name can never be dissevered. Fox's motion 
was carried by an overwhelming majority, and even passed 
the Lords. Romilly, who it appears had, from some reason 
not divulged, and not by any fault of his, been estranged 
from Wilberforce for some nine or ten years, was generous in 
his praise of the great abolitionist, and contrasted the feelings 
of Napoleon, then at the summit of his worldly glory, with ' the 
serener joy of him who would that day lay his head upon his 
pillow and remember that the slave trade was no more.' 1 

In May 1806, at the trial of Lord Melville (better known as 
Henry Dundas) for ' gross malversation and breach of duty ' 
while Treasurer of the Navy, Romilly, as one of the Managers 
for the Commons, summed up the evidence in a speech 
extending over three hours and twenty minutes. Dundas was 
nevertheless acquitted by the peers. During this year Romilly 
was also engaged in the unsavoury investigations instituted 
by the Prince of Wales into the conduct of his much wronged, 
imprudent, and never crowned consort. 

Early in 1807 he pressed for a reform whereby the free- 
hold estates of debtors should be made assets for payment of 
simple contract debts. This evoked from Lord Ellenborough 
the strange doctrine that no alteration in the law of such 
a nature should be proposed unless the judges had been first 
severally consulted. Canning opposed him in the Commons, 

1 Autobiography, ii. 140. 



and Colonel Eyre, the member for Nottingham, detected in 
his innocent proposal revolutionary principles of alien extrac- 
tion and twitted him upon his ■ hereditary love of democracy.' 
To this Romilly retorted that he had never heard of any of 
his ancestors taking any part in politics, that 1 they had lived 
in affluence under the French monarchy till the Edict of 
Nantes was revoked, and by a breach of public faith they 
were no longer permitted to worship God in the way they 
thought most acceptable to Him ; they had preferred giving 
up the possessions which they had inherited to making a 
sacrifice of their consciences, and had left their posterity to 
trust to their own exertions for their support.' 

In 1807 the Ministry of the Duke of Portland had come 
in on a Protestant wave, for the Whigs were suspected of 
desiring Catholic emancipation. The King was obstinately 
opposed to this reform, and it was understood that Ministers 
had pledged themselves in no case to advise the Sovereign to 
approve such a measure. This unconstitutional pledge was 
the occasion of debate on April 9, 1807, and Romilly spoke, 
but, as he records in his diary : ' I felt mortified and chagrined 
to the utmost degree. ... It will be long I think before I 
shall venture to speak again.' 

At the general election he was returned for Horsham, but 
was unseated on petition, and in accordance with the bad old 
custom of the times he bought a seat — that of Wareham, 
Dorset — for £3,000. On this questionable proceeding he 
.notes : ' This buying of seats is detestable ; and yet it is 
almost the only way in which one in my situation, who is 
resolved to be an independent man, can get into Parliament.' 
It was at least not true of him, as it was of many, that if 
they bought their seats they sold their votes. 

In July 1807 we find him recovering his confidence and 
rising in the House to support Samuel Whitbread's Bill for 
the establishment of schools for the education of the poor in 
every parish in England. He was one of ten who voted 
against the iniquitous Coercion Act for Ireland which autho- 
rised domiciliary visits and arrests on suspicion. As he justly 
exclaimed, 'What triumphant arguments will not this Bill 


furnish the disaffected with in Ireland ! What laws more 
tyrannical could they have to dread, if the French yoke were 
imposed upon them ? ' 

It was in 1808 that Sir Samuel addressed himself to that 
reform with which his name is most generally associated — the 
mitigation of the criminal code. 

When he began this crusade our penal system was the 
most barbarous in Europe. More than a hundred offences, 
many venial in the extreme, were punishable by death. 
Romilly was opposed by all the leading lawyers of the day 
and all the bishops, and was twitted with setting aside ' the 
wisdom of our ancestors.' On one occasion, when it was 
alleged he had referred to a statute of Henry VIII. what was 
really contained in one of Edward L, Romilly incontinently 
retorted, ' What care I whether this law was made by one set 
of barbarians or another ? ' He proceeded to his attack by 
stages. His first step was to introduce a Bill to repeal an Act 
of Elizabeth which made it a capital offence to pick a pocket. 
Despite the aristocratic opposition of those who told him, 
1 There is no good done by mercy — they only get worse — 
hang the lot,' he had the satisfaction of piloting this modest 
measure into law before the session was over. Bentham kept 
up interest in the question by bringing out his ' Theory of 
Punishments,' which was conceived in the same humanitarian 
spirit as the book of Beccaria published in 1764 on * Crimes 
and Punishments.' 

In 1809, on the motion for inquiry into the corrupt con- 
duct of the Duke of York, Ptomilly, against the whole influence 
of the Court, voted for the inquiry, and Sir James Mackintosh 
considered that he thereby ' sacrificed the highest objects of 
ambition to the dictates of conscience.' He also supported 
a Bill of Erskine's for the prevention of cruelty to animals. 
In the memorable attack on the liberty of the Press, which 
resulted in the committal of John Gale Jones to Newgate and 
the forcible removal of Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower, 
Romilly was as ever on the side of freedom, and moved, 
though without success, for the liberation of Jones. 

In 1810 he got through the Commons two Bills abolishing 



hanging for stealing to the value of forty shillings from shops 
and on board ship ; but he failed, by 33 to 31, though backed 
by Wilberforce and Canning, to abolish the death penalty for 
stealing to the value of forty shillings from a dwelling-house. 

Another Bill introduced into the Lords to abolish hanging 
for stealing, to the value of five shillings, from a shop was 
defeated by 31 to 11, and (shameful to relate) the majority 
included the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of 
London, Salisbury, Ely, Hereford, and Chester. 

In speaking upon the question of penitentiaries on May 9, 
1810, Bomilly condemned transportation, the hulks, and 
solitary confinement. He eulogised the work of ' the cele- 
brated Mr. Howard,' as he styled him, and considered too 
little attention was devoted to the reformation of prisoners in 
our gaols. He said ' those confined in common gaols often 
return to society much worse than when they were withdrawn 
from it.' The indiscriminate mingling matured them in 
villainy. Newgate in particular, he said, combined every 
defect of which a place of confinement was capable ; a 
monument had been erected in St. Paul's hard by to the 
memory of John Howard, while Newgate was a ' monument 
of disgrace and inhumanity, and in contempt of those wise 
regulations which it was the object of his benevolent life to 

In 1812' he succeeded in passing a Bill abolishing hanging 
as a punishment for vagrancy and begging on the part of 
soldiers and sailors. He also spoke against flogging as a 
punishment in the Army as being a ' refinement of cruelty ' 
and as ' a most disgraceful and degrading punishment, 
debasing the mind of the man on whom it is inflicted/ but 
he was beaten by 79 to 6. The same year this tolerant 
Huguenot pleaded on behalf of Catholic emancipation. 

Some have called Romilly a Deist, others have found a 
refined pantheism in his philosophy. He certainly was a 
reverent believer in a Supreme Being, held fast to the 
immortality of man's real essence, and practised a Christian 
charity which might have put bishops to the blush. Here 
are a few of his utterances. ' Although,' he said, * there are 



some of the doctrines of the Catholics which I abhor, I will 
not consent to make myself a party at this day to the 
persecution of my fellow-Christians of any description ' ; 
here he was rudely and unintelligibly interrupted by a 
Mr. Foster, and he swiftly retorted : ' I can only lament my 
unfortunate incapacity to understand the honourable gentle- 
man.' As to the priesthood in Ireland, he said, ' having 
ministered to the people's comforts in distress, and healed the 
wounds of their flock, there was naturally excited in their 
bosoms reciprocal affection and esteem.' He roughly handled 
the damnatory clauses of the Athanasian creed, and declared 
' the spiritual authority which once maintained a political 
dominion over the whole Christian world is gone for ever.' 

At the general election this year Eomilly was defeated for 
Bristol, but by the help of the Duke of Norfolk he reappeared 
as member for Arundel. He paid flying visits to Edinburgh, 
where he met Dugald Stewart, .Jeffrey, Dr. Gregory, and 
George Wilson ; also to Leith Hill, Surrey, where he after- 
wards had a villa called 4 Tanhurst,' to which he constantly 
retired during vacations. 

In 1313 he carried his Bill to abolish hanging for shop- 
lifting through the Commons, but it was killed in the Lords; 
and another Bill, for removing drawing and disembowelling 
from the penalty for high treason, was opposed successfully 
by the Government, so that, as he remarked, ' Ministers have 
the glory of having preserved the British law whereby it is 
ordained that the heart and bowels of a man convicted of 
treason shall be torn out of his body while he is yet alive/ 

He was nerved to greater effort by these rebuffs, and 
devoted his leisure — none too ample — to planning further and 
more drastic reforms. The^Long Vacation this year he passed, 
with his wife and family of seven, at Tanhurst and at Bowood. 
At the former his guests were Dumont, whose tales of the 
Revolution must have been engrossing ; Bentham, the elder 
Mill, and Scarlett; while at Lord Lansdowne's he met 
Madame de Stael, Sir .James Mackintosh, Piogers the poet, 
and many others. 

In 1815 Eomilly again showed his political prescience by 



voting, in a small minority though it was, against a Bill to 
prohibit, under certain circumstances, the importation of 
foreign corn. In March of the same year came the news that 
Napoleon had escaped from Elba, and was marching on Paris 
to resume his throne. The Government was panic-stricken, 
and clamoured for the resumption of hostilities. Whirbread 
moved a petition in favour of peace, which Romilly supported, 
and they were defeated by 273 to 72. Then in June came 
Waterloo and the peace that Europe sorely needed, and 
Romilly that summer made a tour on the Continent with his 
wife and elder children. They visited the battlefield of 
Waterloo, the Rhine, Switzerland, and Northern Italy, 
returning through Paris, which was still held by foreign 

The year 1816 witnessed the introduction of an Aliens 
Bill by Lord Castlereagh. In Romilly 's opinion, its tendency 
was to interfere with the right of asylum of which this 
country rightly boasted. The wags of the day made fun of 
his opposition, and the papers lampooned him thus : — 

Pray tell us why, without his fees, 
He thus defends the refugees, 
And lauds the outcasts of society ? 
Good man, he's moved by filial piety. 

In 1817 we find him active in exposing the severity of the 
Game Laws, and protesting against the threatened suspension 
of the Habeas Corpus Act. Among his friends at this time 
was the oddly-famous Dr. Parr, who persisted in presenting 
Romilly with his silver-plate. At Bentham's sybarite retreat 
at Ford Abbey he came across Francis Place, the political 
tailor of Charing- Cross, who held the representation of 
Westminster in the hollow of his hand. 

Brougham and Lord John Russell were now in the front 
ranks of the Opposition, and Peel was Irish Secretary. 
Romilly was sixty years of age, and certain of the Woolsack 
if the Whigs came in. To this end he conscientiously devoted 
himself, and the papers left at his death show the thorough- 
ness with which he prepared for the faithful discharge of the 
duties of that august office. 



In November 1817 there appeared in the Edinburgh 
Bevieiv a paper transmitted by Brougham from Romilly on 
the subject of the codification of law. It was occasioned by 
a publication of Bentham's in which the abortive efforts 
of the utilitarian reformer to induce the Czar of all the 
Russias and the President of the United States of America 
to codify their legislation were set out. Bentham had 
emphasise! the perils and injustice of unwritten law such 
as is the common law of England. Bomilly in his review 
shares the distrust of the lex non scripta, on which Bentham 
enlarged, but while he praised the great jurist's principles, he 
criticised his more recent style as harsh, diffuse, and abusive. 
He yields unstinted praise to Bentham's early 4 Fragment on 
Government ' asserting that ' English literature hardly affords 
any specimens of a more correct, concise, and perspicuous 
style,' yet he thinks Bentham owed much of his reputation 
to the interpretation of his teaching by Pasteur Dumont, 
but for whom, he holds, the hedonistic philosopher might 
never have emerged from obscurity. From an entry in his 
diary we see that Bomilly had some qualms lest this plain 
speaking in regard to his old friend might give offence. 
Tantaene animis celestibus irae ? Indeed, some coolness 
appears to have resulted, and during the Westminster election 
in the following summer Bentham was not averse to inditing 
a handbill charging Bomilly with being a Whig, a lawyer, a 
friend only to moderate reform, and unfit to represent the 
enlightened burgesses of Westminster. The estrangement 
seems, however, to have been but brief, and philosophic 
rather than personal, for before the tragic close which the 
same year witnessed we read of ' a very pleasant party ' at 
Bentham's, at which the elder Mill, Lord Brougham, and the 
American Ambassador Rush, together with Romilly, enjoyed 
the hospitality of the old sage as of yore, at Queen Square, 

Romilly's view on the relative value of written and 
unwritten law was that under statute law we know with 
certainty its whole extent, and can at once discern what it 
has not, as well as what it has, provided ; but under the 



common law there is no case unprovided for, though there 
may be many of which it is extremely difficult, and indeed 
impossible, to say beforehand what the provision is. In fact, 
every new decision in common law amounts to new law, and 
our judges are thereby converted into legislators. 

On January 27, 1818, Parliament reassembled, and 
Eomilly at once inveighed against the continued suspension 
of the Habeas Corpus Act as futile and vexatious. The 
Government had by this time also repented of the work of 
their hand, and with astonishing speed a Bill to repeal the 
suspension of this charter of popular liberty was read three 
times in the Lords in one day, passed with the same celerity 
through the Commons on the next, and received the Eoyal 
Assent within the week. 

On June 5, 1818, Eomilly's voice was heard for the last 
time within the precincts of Parliament. He spoke with more 
than ordinary warmth, reciting the misdeeds of the dying 
Government, and his ominous and telling indictment was 
suffused with a retrospective valediction. He said : — 

' Apprehending that we are within a very few hours of 
the termination of our political existence, before the moment 
of dissolution arrives let us recollect for what deeds we have 
to account. Let us recollect we are the Parliament which, for 
the first time in the history of this country, twice suspended 
the Habeas Corpus Act in a period of profound peace. Let 
us recollect that we are the confiding Parliament which 
entrusted His Majesty's Ministers with the authority emanat- 
ing from that suspension, in expectation that when it was 
no longer wanted, they would call Parliament together to 
surrender it into their hands — which those Ministers did not 
do, though they subsequently acknowledged that the necessity 
for retaining that power had long ceased to exist. Let us 
recollect that we are the same Parliament which refused to 
inquire into the numerous grievances stated in petitions and 
memorials with which our table groaned : that we turned a 
deaf ear to the complaints of the oppressed, and even amused 
ourselves with their sufi'erings. Let us recollect that we are 
the same Parliament which sanctioned the shutting of the 



ports of this once hospitable nation to unfortunate foreigners 
flying from persecution in their own country. This, sir, is 
what we have done, and we are about to crown all by the 
present most violent and most unjustifiable Act. Who our 
successors may be I know not ; but God grant that this 
country may never see another Parliament so regardless of 
the liberties and rights of the people, and of the principles of 
general justice, as this Parliament has been.' 

In June 1818 Parliament was dissolved. Just appreciation 
of Bomilly's great gifts and public services was shown by an 
immediate requisition from the City of Westminster inviting 
him to accept nomination and ' abstain from all personal 
attendance, trouble, and expense.' Sir Francis Burdett, Cap- 
tain Maxwell, and Hunt also went to the poll, and. the final 
figures were : — 

Eomilly, 5,339. 
Burdett, 5,238. 
Maxwell, 4,808. 
Hunt, 84. 

In returning thanks he said : — 

' 1 have indeed endeavoured to be useful to the public ; 
but my endeavours have seldom been successful. The repre- 
sentative of Westminster should express his thanks by a 
faithful discharge of the sacred duties which you have 
imposed upon him ; by being a vigilant guardian of the 
public interests, and a bold assertor of the people's rights ; 
by resisting all attacks which may be made upon the liberty 
of the Press, the trial by jury, and the Habeas Corpus — the 
great security of all our liberties. By endeavouring to restrain 
the lavish and improvident expenditure of public money ; by 
opposing all new and oppressive taxes ; by being the friend of 
civil and religious liberty ; and by seeking to restore this 
country to the proud station which it held amongst the 
nations when it was a secure asylum for those who are 
endeavouring to escape in foreign countries from religious or 
political persecution. These are the thanks which the electors 
of Westminster are entitled to expect ; and when the time 



comes that I shall have to render you an account of the trust 
you have committed to me I trust in God that I shall be able 
to show that I have discharged it honestly and faithfully.' 

This was on July -4. On the 19th he took a cottage at the 
Yale of Health, Hampstea.d, for his wife's sake. In September 
they moved to Cowes in the Isle of Wight. On the 13th 
Lady Roinilly was taken ill. After many anxious nights, on 
October 9 things seemed brighter. On the next day, how- 
ever, there was a relapse, and on the 29th she died. Her 
husband was prostrated with grief. He returned to his house 
in town, 21 Russell Square. But the loss of his devoted 
comrade of twenty years, to whose virtues and reciprocated 
affection his diary bears abundant testimony, was more than 
that sensitive soul could face. The world was empty without 
her. He stood, as it were, but one remove from the zenith of 
his lofty ambition, but attainment was not to be. For three 
days he wrestled with despair ; and on the fourth, by his 
own hand, he terminated his life. His corpse was laid beside 
that of his wife at Knill in Herefordshire. 

High and low felt his loss— so unlooked for and so tragic — 
almost as a personal bereavement. Even the old Chancellor 
Eldon, his habitual foe, when he looked on the vacant place 
in Court, was dissolved in tej-rs. 'I cannot stay here,' he 
cried, and rising in great agitation he broke up the Court. 
In the country of his fathers too, at the Athenee Boyal, 
Benjamin Constant pronounced an eloge on that illustrious 
man ' who belonged to every country because he had deserved 
well of all countries in defending the cause of humanity, 
liberty, and justice.' 

I have neither time nor need to moralise on the life and 
work of Sir Samuel Romilly, which I have hastily sketched. 
A life so full, and yet so painfully abbreviated — a work through- 
out interwoven with his life and that of the civilised world, 
then in travail with the birth-pains of a new age. With Tom 
Paine he might have claimed, ' The world is my country, and 
to do good is my religion,' but he was of a finer fibre and less 
pushful than Tom Pame. He was a puritan amid an age of 
libertines. A refugee from religious persecution himself, he 



was the expounder of toleration and mercy, and pleaded 
eloquently for Catholic emancipation. He could face a hostile 
senate undismayed, but he could not survive a broken heart. 
His work was for ail time, and the freshness and modernity 
of his views must strike every reader of his autobiography. 
It is not difficult to divine what would have been Eomilly's 
attitude on many of the political problems that perplex us 
to-day. His work is not finished yet. But we seem to lack 
his fearless audacity in attacking tyranny and wrong in high 
places, and the self-sustaining resolution that can, alone, face 
fearful odds. 

Call me o'er earth's chosen heroes, — they were souls that stood 

While the men they agonised for hurled the contumelious stone ; 
Stood serene and down the future saw the golden beam incline 
To the side of perfect justice, mastered by their faith divine, 
By one man's plain truth to manhood and to God's supreme 

A society has recently been established to recall his labours 
and renew his work. Alike in public and in private there is 
plenty of room for imitations of Eomilly : — 

He needs no sculptured monument his worthiness to tell ; 
His name will live, oh could we all acquit ourselves as well ! 




(1 & 2) The following Actes, from the Eegistres de 
Protestant of Montpellier, for the recovery of which we are | 
indebted to M. Key Lescure, enable us to reconstitute the 
family group as it existed in those distressful days immediately 
preceding the Revocation. The first two are given textually. 

' Du sabmedy troizi e avril seize cent septante sept a Fheur I 
du preche. Le mariage d'entre sieur Pierre Eomilly mar 4 , 1 
aage de trente trois ans ou environ, fils de feu S r Pierre 
Eomilly aussy mar et de dam 11 - Catherine Bagniolle maries, 
h ans de Momp er d'une part ; et dam Ue Catherine Pueche aagee 
de vingt cinq ans ou environ, fille de feu Pierre Pneeh m e 
appo 1 ^ et de dam Lle Flurette de Chaubaud maries h 11 " dud. 
Momp er d'autre ; contrat de ce mariage receu par M e Tessere 
no re le vingt troizi e febvrier seize cent septante sept ; apres la 
peublicaon des trois annonces sans oppozlun faite en ceste 
esglize par trois divers dimanches, led. mariage y a este ce 
jourdhuy beny par Monsieur Dubourdieu ministre ; assistans. 
Sieurs Estienne Eomilly frere dud. espoux, Jacques Puech 
frere de lad. espouze, Michel Bagnol oncle dud. espoux, Pierre 
Chantard & Moyze Thoulouze dud. Momp er , signes avec lesd. 
espoux & ministre. (Signe) Debordieu, Eomilly, Catherine 
Pueche, E. Eomilly, Chantard, Thoulouze, Puech.' 

' Du mardy premier mars seize cent septante huit a la 
priere — Baptesme. Estienne Eomelly, ne le quatorzr febvier 
dernier fils de S r Pierre Eomelly mar & de dam lie Catherine 



Puecbe maries de Momp er presante a baptesme par S r Estienne 
Komelly aussy mar 1 oncle & par dam 11 - Flurette Chabaud 
femme du S c Jaques Puech in e appo re dud. Momp er baptize 
par Monsieur Gibert, ministre de Momp er , signe avec ie pere, 
parrain & marrine. (Signe) Gibert m., Eomilly, E. Romilly, 
Flurette Chabaud.' 

Tonnette [Antoinette] nee le 20 & baptizee le 28 Octobre, 
1683, par le pasteur Bertheau, parrain. Jean Bagniol bourgeois, 
oncle ; marraine, Antoinette Puech, tante. 

Jacques Eomilly, ne le 29 Novembre et baptize le 4 De- 
cembre, 1684, par le pasteur Bertheau, parrain, Jacques 
Chabaud, marchand droguiste, marraine Francoise Matte, 
femme d'Etienne Romilly, tante. 

(2) If it was primarily Jaques Saurin's magnetic per- 
sonality that drew Etienne from Geneva straight to London, 
the knowledge that old family friends were also there must 
have been a further inducement. Of these three Montpellier 
ministers named in the Actes two at least had found their 
way thither. 

That fine old veteran, Isaac Du Bourdieu, had arrived, 
bringing with him his son and grandson, in or about 1682, 
when, after having served there upwards of thirty years, he 
received sentence of banishment. He took duty at the French 
Church in the Savoy, and a contemporary, whose heart and 
house were alike open to the refugees, and who must have 
known him personally, John Quick, writes of him in 1692 : 
' This reverend and ancient servant of the Lord Jesus resides 
in London, and preacheth, though 95 years old.' If this 
statement does not make too large a demand on our powers 
of belief, he must have been more than a centenarian at his 
death in 1699. It is not clear whether it was Isaac, or his 
even more distinguished son, John Du Bourdieu, who officiated 
at the Eomilly marriage in 1677. He had that very year 

VOL. VIII.' — NO. IV. A A 



become his father's colleague at Montpellier. He died, at the 
age (as is supposed) of 78, in 1720, in the parish of St. Martin- 
in-the-Fields. His will, dated February 15, 1718, and proved 
in the P.C.C., August 3, 1720 (173, Shaller) is confined to family 
affairs. He asks to be buried, as his father had been, in the 
church of the Savoy. His eldest son, Peter, was then Eector 
of Kirby-over-Carr in Yorkshire. A daughter, Anne, still at 
Montpellier, was to have a small annuity on condition of her 
coming to England, but without power of disposal until she 
had lived here for ten years as a Protestant. A married 
daughter, Elizabeth, was offered the same terms, to be 
extended in case of her default and of their compliance to 
her children. Writing of this same John Du Bourdieu, the 
D.N.B. makes the startling statement that * at the Revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes he came to England, followed 
by a large portion of his flock.' 

Rene Bertheau, who served Montpellier between 1654-85 
had arrived in the latter year with his wife, son, and daughter. 
In 1686 Oxford had enrolled him among her adopted sons as 
a Doctor of Divinity, and in 1687 he and his family had been 
naturalised. If he was dead, Bertheau fils was there to 
welcome Etienne's coming. Born at Montpellier in 1660, 
Charles Bertheau died in London in 1732, having served the 
French Church in Threadneedle Street for no less than forty- 
four years. His will (P.C.C. 280, Bedford) has only a private 
It remains an open question whether, and if so in what 
degree, M. Gibert, the officiating minister of 1678, was related 
to the Etienne Gibert who was on the staff of the Temple de 
Soho from 1776 to 1782. 

Jaques Saurin, Etienne Romilly's senior by only seven 
years, had come to London in 1700. In 1703 the Swallow 
Street Register tells of his marriage to Catherine Boitoult. 
We find the young couple in 1704, when their first child 
was born, lodging chez Madame Catillon in the churchyard 
of St. Mary Aldermary. During the (all but) five years that 
he remained here, he served the Church in Threadneedle 
Street. The statement by Burns that he was also on the 



staff of the Church in Leicester Fields is clearly erroneous. 
In 1705 he left us for Holland, accepting the post, which was 
created for him, of 4 Minister Extraordinary ' to the French 
Community of Nobles at the Hague. The published sermons 
of this great pulpit orator, our Protestant Bossuet, run into 
twelve volumes. 

Mr. Agnew tells us in his ' French Protestant Exiles ' 
(Vol. II. 410) of an entry in the old church book of 
Le Quarry, dated December 14, 1701, £ Beconnoissance de 
Estienne Eomilly de Montpellier.' But this entry has not 
been found. On March 26, 1704, he was admitted on the 
' Tesmoignage de Louis Lonbier,' into the membership of the 
Threadneedle Street Church, beiug then a bachelor. On 
March 25, 1705, his wife was similarly admitted on the 
' Tesmoignage de son mary.' Of the French Chapel at 
Hoxton, which later became his district church, the Eegister 
for 1748-83, alas ! alone survives. But the Directors of the 
French Hospital have now in their keeping a pair of exactly 
similar silver Communion cups, plain but massive, which 
were presented to the Chapel in 1717, the one by a 
Madame Eibeaut, the other by our refugee. This is in- 
scribed 1 The Gift of Mr. Stephen Eomilly | To the French 
Congregation at Hoxton ] the 25: March 1717.' The cups, as 
also a plain circular plate presented at the same time by 
Lewis de Tudert, a Genevese, who in 1719 became one of the 
original Directors of the French Hospital, are figured in the 
illustrated work by Mr. E. A. Jones on ' The Old Silver 
Sacramental Vessels of Foreign Protestant Churches in 
England,' published this year by Dent and Co. 

(3) When, late in life, in 1726, Francis Demonsallier, or 
de Monsallier, made his will, proved in the P. CO. in August 
1729 (61, Auber), of his four daughters two were already 
widows. He tells us nothing of his wife, or of his own lieu 
de provenance. In the St. Nicholas Cole Abbey Eegister 
the Eomilly bride appears as Judeath Demonsalker. Of her 
three sisters Lucy, or Ludovica, had in 1692 married the 
Eev. Solomon Pages, or ' Page ' (at that date of Windsor, and 
still living in 1726) ; Anna Maria had married the Eev. 



Samuel Picart de la Ferte (which became Laferty), somewhile 
Rector of St. Mary's, Antigua, where he died in February 
1717/8, she surviving till 1726, leaving a numerous family; 
and Elizabeth had in 1701 married Samuel Fludyer, by trade 
a clothier, described in 1716, when she administered to his 
estate, as of St. Martin's, Ironmonger Lane, by whom she 
became mother of the wealthy Sir Samuel Fludyer, who 
received a Baronetage in 1759, and served as Lord Mayor in 
1761, and of Sir Thomas Fludyer. These brothers, who were 
both of them somewhile members of Parliament for Chippen- 
ham, died within little more than a year of one another in 1768 
and 1769. The Fludyers have since (vide Baronetage) in two 
succeeding generations married into the family of Sir Edward 
Borough (with whose death in 1879 the baronetcy became 
extinct), whose ancestors were of French blood — known, when 
they had suffered in the bad old times, and honoured as 
Bouhereau. A record of the Picarts de la Ferte is to be found 
in Vol. II. p. 135 of Mr. Y. L. Oliver's ' History of Antigua.' 

(4) Margaret (1715-1796) who, despite family opposition, 
became the wife of Peter Eomilly, was the daughter of Aime 
Garnault, by Marguerite, daughter of Jacques Benoist, and step- 
daughter of Daniel Alavoine, a silk weaver, who flourished in 
the days when the silk industry led to fortune, and had his 
business quarters in the Old Artillery Ground and his country- 
house at Tottenham. Aime Garnault was one of five (or more) 
brothers who found refuge in England, as did also their 
mother, who appears at the marriage of her daughter Marie with 
Jacques Dargent (a jeweller) in 1695 as the* Veuve Garnault. 
Though M. Garnault came from Paris, where he had his 
business, that of a merchant jeweller, in the Parish of 
St. Severin, the family appear to have belonged to Chatel- 
herault. Two of Mrs. Peter Romilly's brothers, viz. Peter 
Garnault and Aime Garnault, who was Treasurer of the New 
River Company, became directors of the French Hospital 
respectively in 1750 and 1762. Daniel Alavoine bad 
several children by Mary Magdalen St. Amant, Vex 
Benoist, of whom were Marie who in 1715 married Mose* 
Delahaize; Judith, who in 1719 became the first wife of 


Jacques Godin, of Spital Square, and a Director from 1742 
of r La Providence ' ; and Madeleine, who married Peter 
Facquier. Philip Delahaize (f 1769) of Tottenham High 
Cross, whose legacies to the Eomillvs came, as Sir Samuel 
records, so usefully and opportunely, was the son of Moses 
and Mary. His long and important will is printed in extenso 
in Agnew's 4 French Protestant Exiles.' The ' Mrs. Facquier ' 
of the narrative, who helped to mother her invalid cousin's 
children, was M lle Marguerite, daughter of Peter and 
Madeleine. She died on January 19, 1781, aged 64, and on 
her tombstone at Marylebone is recorded as Margaret Farqu- 
har. There can, nevertheless, be no doubt of her identity. 
In her will, dated August 7, 1779, and proved by Peter 
Eomilly, January 29, 1781, she leaves, with other legacies, to 
Thomas Peter Eomilly, 6 my six volumes of Barrow's Ser- 
mons,' to Samuel, his brother, ' my four volumes of Bp. 
Sherlock's Sermons,' as also £150 ' to make amends for his 
having no legacy under his Godfather Sir Samuel Fludyer's 
will,' and for ' Cousin Margaret's grandchild,' Peter Mark 
Eoget, £50, a veritable ' thesaurus ' for an infant then barely 
six months old. 

(5) It is not clear at which church Jean Eoget took duty. 
He is said by Sir Samuel to have succeeded M. Coderc in the 
pulpit, and the churches served by Samuel Coderc were 
those of Berwick Street and Le Quarre. The lamented death 
of his grandson, our late Fellow, Mr. John Lewis Eoget 
(1828-1908), which occurred on November 11, and was 
followed by that of his wife on November 16, recalls the 
similar circumstances of the deaths in 1759 within a few days 
of one another of Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Eomilly. Himself of 
Trinity College, Mr. Eoget was the ' Special Commissioner,' 
who in 1859 produced the ' Cambridge Scrapbook.' In 1891 
he published a history of the ' Old Water-Colour Society,' 
with biographical notices of its members and associates, 
and between 1888-1904 he had been responsible for five new 
editions of his father's 1 Thesaurus.' His only sister, Miss 
Catherine Mary Eoget (1825-1905), had predeceased him at 
the age of seventy-nine. 



It may perhaps be noted that the M. Jean Eomilly on whom 
Sir Samuel records his having called when in Paris in 1781, 
his own family having been on hospitable and friendly terms 
with the son in London, although a namesake, was no 
relation. He was a Genevese, who had obtained a high 
reputation there as a clockmaker and inventor, and is credited 
with having presented Louis XV. with a clock that could go 
for a year without needing to be wound up. Furthermore, in 
conjunction with a son-in-law, M. de Coranee, he had 
launched a ' Journal de Paris.' Between the life-history of 
his son, Jean Komilly (1739-1779), and that of Jean Eoget 
(1751-1783) there is a notable parallelism. Both were of 
Genevese origin, both on entering the ministry sought duty 
in London, both were early incapacitated by ill -health, and 
both retired to end their days on the shores of Lake Leman. 
But while Jean Eoniilly, who quitted England in 1769, died 
ten years later still in light harness as pdsteur of Sacconex, 
Jean Pioget, who left for Lausanne in 1779, survived only 
four years, having never enjoyed any return to active life. 

(6) The accompanying photogravure is from the picture by 
Sir Thomas Lawrence, now in the National Portrait Gallery, it- 
having been bequeathed to the nation in 1887 by Mr. Charles 
Eoniilly. The portrait in Gray's Inn Hall is said to be a eopy 
of this. There is a fine mezzotint engraving of it by S. W. 
Reynolds. To the readers of the Memoir it will already be 
familiar from the engraving by Edward Finclen prefixed to the 
work on its publication in 184.0. The mezzotint published 
by Colnaghi in 1818 after a portrait by Martin Cretan, per- 
haps to be identified with that in Gray's Inn Hall, was the 
work of S. W. Reynolds, junior. 

(7) Lord Eomilly, as Master of the Rolls, completed the 
good work begun by his predecessor, Lord Langdale, and it is 
to him that the public are indebted for the gratuitous access 
to the records that for literary and historical purposes they 
now enjoy. The newly enfranchised students obtained leave 
to commemorate his patriotic action by placing within his 
lifetime his bust, the work of Joseph Durham, in the literary 
search-room of the Public Eecord Office. That was forty 



years ago, and many others since then have blessed his name. 
The inscription on the pedestal, so aptly expressing their 
gratitude, runs : — 


Eot : Mag : 
Qui Historiae Britannicae Fontes 
v Aperuit 
Necnon Scripta pervetusta 
publici luris fieri fecit 
. Hunc Imagine m 
Grati animi ergo et Observantiae 
Patriae Annalium Studiosi 


(8) The College at Dulwich not only derived great benefit 
from Lancelot Baugh Allen's management of its estates, but 
it was to him also that it is indebted for its celebrated Gallery. 
It was owing to his negotiation with Sir [Peter] Francis 
Bourgeois, into whose hands they had come in 1807 under the 
will (to be found in P.C.C., 655, Lushington) of Noel Joseph 
Desenfans, that the remarkable collection of pictures formed 
in the first instance on behalf of a Pole by a Frenchman, and 
then inherited by an Anglo-Swiss, found by the latter's 
liberality its ultimate location at Dulwich. 



Sean prntot* 1 


Before saying anything technical about the ancient and 
beautiful process of enamelling on metal as applied to 
portraiture, I feel that I should give some short account of 
Jean Petitot himself. 

Towards the end of his life he was involved in the troubles 
due to the Pievocation of the Edict of Nantes, and eventually 
retired to Geneva, where he died. Petitot's stay in England 
was during the reign of Charles L, and he would probably 
have remained here if it had not been for that monarch's 
untimely end. Both the English and the French nation may 
well be proud of Jean Petitot as an artist ; although French 
by descent, he was much in England, and some of his finest 
enamels were done here, and his reputation was founded 
under the patronage of the English King. 

Petitot's grandfather was a native of Villers-le-Duc, in 
Burgundy, and a doctor ; his son Faulle studied sculpture at 
Lyons and travelled in Italy. He was brought up in the 
Pioman Catholic faith, but eventually became a Protestant 
and settled at Geneva. 

Towards the end of the sixteenth century Geneva appears 
to have been a favourite residence for Frenchmen who were 
not altogether happy as regards the exercise of their religion. 
Among these emigrants were notably the Arlauds of Poitou, 
the Thourons of Eovergne, the Gardells of Languedoc, and 
the Bordiers of the Orleannais. 

1 Mr. Davenport's lecture when given at the Ordinary Meeting of the 
Society on March 11, 1003, was illustrated with fifty coloured lantern-slides 
showing the progress of the art of enamelling and characteristic examples of 
Petitot's work. 



At Geneva in 159S Faulle Petitot married Etiennette 
Eoyaume, and their fourth son was named Jean ; he was born 
in 1607, and became a great painter in enamel colours. The 
boy early showed a great aptitude for drawing and painting, 
and was apprenticed to Pierre Bordier, an accomplished 
jeweller, a profession at that time in much esteem. 

Pierre Bordier interested himself particularly in enamel, 
as used in jewellery — that is to say, applied either in the 
cloisonne champleve or basse-taille methods, but not as yet 
used for portraiture. 

The chemistry of enamelling was not well understood by 
Bordier, and so he and his young pupil Jean Petitot deter- 
mined to travel and see if they could find out anything about 
their favourite art in foreign countries as well as in their own 
France. At Limoges they found a lively tradition concerning 
the work of the Huguenot masters, particularly Leonard 
Limousin and Jean Penicaud, both of whom executed large 
enamel portraits in white enamel with a very little added 
colour. But especially at Chateaudun they met Jean Toutin, 
Boyal Jeweller to the King, Louis XIII. 

About 1632 Toutin invented a new style of enamelling, 
by the help of which small portraits could be produced in an 
admirable way. Of this artist Felibien in his 6 Principes de 
l'Architecture, de la Peinture et de la Sculpture ' says : 4 Before 
1630 such portraits were unknown, as it was not until two 
years afterwards that Jean Toutin, a jeweller of Chateaudun, 
who was already a skilled enameller in the ordinary trans- 
parent colours, and who had a clever apprentice of the name 
of Gribelin, succeeded in making opaque enamels of various 
colours which would bear the heat of a muffle and fire in 
a satisfactory manner. He told his secret to other friendly 
jewellers and they all experimented with a view to perfecting 
the process.' 

From France Bordier and Petitot went to England, 
attracted by the reputation that Charles I. enjoyed as a patron 
of art. By the kind assistance of one of the city merchants 
who had dealings with the Court, the two Frenchmen brought 
some of their enamelled rings, brooches and other jewels to 



the king's notice, and they so delighted his Majesty that he 
sent for both the artists and commissioned them to make his 
own portrait in enamel, and also those of several members of 
his Court. The King gave the enamellers lodging and work- 
shop in the Palace of Whitehall, and brought them under the 
notice of his painter, Sir Anthony Yandyck and his physician 
Turquet de Mayerae, a Protestant and a chemist of renown, 
who had also held Court office under James I. 

This clever chemist very soon took a lively interest in the 
French enamellers, particularly Petitot, and he worked with 
them experimentally, and discovered several wonderful fusible 
colours, as well as improvements in the hard white ground- 
work on which these colours are laid. 

Petitot made several fine enamels for Charles I. One of 
the King himself is at the Louvre, another at Warwick Castle. 
A large portrait of Rachel de Piuvigny, Countess of South- 
ampton, measuring 9J by inches, now at Chatsworth, is 
said by Horace Walpole to be the finest enamel painting in 
the world. On the death of Charles I. Petitot left England 
and went to France, where at the Court of Louis XIV. he was 
received with much honour. 

Pierre Bordier remained awhile in England ; his sympathies 
appear to have been rather with the Cromwellians. He made 
a celebrated enamel of the Houses of Parliament in Session, 
after Simon, and another of the Battle of Naseby. Petitot is 
said to have refused both these commissions. 

Charles II. interested himself in Petitot in France, and 
introduced him to the King, who made him Boyal Painter, and 
gave him rooms in the Louvre. At this period Petitot had 
made friends with Jacques Bordier, a cousin of Pierre, and 
like him an enameller, and these two worked together, Petitot 
doing the fac^s and all flesh colour, and Bordier the hair 
and accessories. The real difficulty in such work is in the 
management of the flesh colour, the rest is simply miniature 
painting in a peculiar medium. 

Bichelet, in his ' Beniarques preHminaires de son Diction- 
naire Francais,' gives some information as to the procedure 



used in Petitot's enamels, and as an examination quite cor- 
roborates what we are told, it may be well to quote what he 
says : ' The enamels are made on plates of gold or copper 
enamelled white all over by special workmen, and on these 
enamelled plates the picture is painted in colours. The 
colours are black, blue, grey, red, purple, &c. It is necessary 
to give these enamels a very careful firing so as to fix them 
on the plate and make them appear polished as they ought 
to, and for this it is necessary to fire them seven or eight- 
times. Enamel painting is not affected by time.' 

Among the portraits by Petitot that I have to show this 
evening are those of Louis XIV., Cardinal Eichelieu, the 
Due de Guise, the Due de Vendome, the Due de Luxembourg, 
the Due de Berri, the Due de la Rochefoucauld, the Yicomte 
de Turenne, Nicholas Fouquet, the Queen of Sweden, Anne 
of Austria, Marie Louise d'Orleans, Madame de la Valliere, 
Ninon de l'Enclos, the Duchesse d'Aiguillon, the Marquise de 
Maintenon, and several more — quite enough to show that 
the art enjoyed great popularity, and also that Petitot was 
undoubtedly an artist of high repute. The originals from 
which my slides are taken are all in the Jones Collection at 
the Victoria and Albert Museum, and besides these there are 
in England several in the Royal Collection at Windsor and 
scattered examples in many private collections. 

In 1651 Petitot married Marguerite Cuper at Paris ; his 
friend, Jacques Bordier, had married Anne Cuper, a sister of 
Marguerite's, a short time before. 

Petitot had a large family : Jean, Paul (a soldier), Estienne, 
and Francois, who accompanied his father in exile ; then there 
were five daughters : Charlotte, who married Auguste de 
Jaspoix ; Anne Madeleine, who married J. L. Larmande : 
Marie, who married J. B. de Limeville ; Jeanne and Madeleine 
remained unmarried. Petitot left a journal in which ail 
these matters were noted, and in which, moreover, are many 
interesting particulars of . general interest concerning current 

In 1674 Petitot wrote an interesting little book cf -'Prieres 



et Meditations chretiennes pour la Famille.' It has several 
drawings by himself in it. 

The Edict of Nantes itself contained many burdensome 
restrictions on the carrying out of the ceremonies of the 
Protestant religion, but all these became trifling when in 
1685 the Edict was entirely revoked, and in consequence 
some 800,000 of the best in France had to seek asylum 

Among others, Petitot suffered badly. His name was 
erased from the list of members of the Eoyal Academy of 
France, and he was imprisoned in the prison of For-l'Eveque. 
Here he was visited by Bos suet, who endeavoured to procure 
some amelioration of his position, and so worked upon the 
feelings of the old man, ill and enfeebled by his troubles, that 
at length he put his signature to an act of abjuration. At the 
same time it is to be noted that after this formal act no 
trouble seems to have been taken to find out or ensure that 
Petitot followed any particular ceremonial. Several interesting 
letters from Petitot, written at this time, are published in 
Ernest Stroehlin's work, ' Jean Petitot et Jacques Bordier ' : 
Geneve, 1905. 

In 1687, on March 22, a letter was written by the Syndic 
Cramer on the subject of Petitot ; it will be found in ' Notes 
Extraites des Registres du Consistoire de l'Eglise de Geneve, 
1541-1814.' Freely translated, this letter says that : — 

* It has been reported that M. Petitot returned a few 
days ago to this town with some of his family, and that they 
have been forced to sign a form of abjuration. It was con- 
sidered whether it would be sufficient for them to make 
reparation before the pastor of the district, without the 
necessity of going through the formality of a reinstatement 
as citizens. It was decided that in this case the former 
procedure suggested would be sufficient because he had not 
attended a celebration of the Mass.' 

At Geneva Petitot recovered much of his health, and 
he resumed his beloved work there. Old as he was, his 
artistic powers were still unimpaired, and he made several 
fine enamels about this time, particularly one of John 



Sobieski, King of Poland, and his queen, on one plate, the 
queen represented as holding in her hand her husband's 

He held a sort of court, and his fame attracted many 
visitors, and Petitot found his expenses so heavy that he 
shortly moved to Yevay, which was a much smaller and 
quieter place. On April 3, 1691, while firing an enamel 
portrait of his wife, Petitot had a paralytic attack, from which 
he never rallied. 

Now as to the art of enamelling. It consists of powdered 
glass fused on to a metallic ground, usually either gold, 
silver, copper or bronze. Glass can be ground so finely that 
it becomes like milk ; that is, of course, when white glass 
is used, and mixed with water or volatile oil. White glass 
is opaque, the colour being due to oxide of tin ; the other 
colours are mainly due to the mixture of various oxides with 
the glass. 

Very early enamels were made with cloisons — that is to 
say, wire soldered on to the groundwork, and forming small 
cells into which the enamel was put. This sort of enamelling 
was really more metal work than glass work. Byzantine, 
Greek and Etruscan enamels were all of this sort ; it is called 
cloisonne work. At Limoges about the twelfth century the 
cloisons were not separately put on, but the cells were cut out 
of a solid plate of metal, so as to leave little boundary walls 
wherever needed. 

About the middle of the sixteenth century Limoges be- 
came of great importance as a centre for enamelled portraits, 
especially those done by Leonard Limousin, ' peintre valet de 
chambre du Roy ' Francois I., and chief of the school of 
enamelling at Limoges. 

Leonard made splendid portraits of Francois I. and many 
of the great personages of the time. His method was to 
cover a metal plate with a ground of dark enamel, and on this 
to paint his design in white enamel, thin in the dark places 
and thick in the lighter parts. On the graduated white 
design other colours were put, used transparently, and 
several of these show brilliantly. The splendid blue back- 



grounds which so many of Limousin's portraits have are good 
instances of the brilliancy which can be obtained by using 
transparent colour over white. As to flesh colour it was 
hardly attempted ; the modelled white of Limousin's faces 
was just toned with a little red. 

It is probable that Limousin's principles are the true ones 
for enamelled portraits, but now w 7 e should not be content 
with such white faces. On the white gTound, however, 
yellows and carmines can be put almost as glazes, and in this 
way a tolerably good flesh tint can, with good fortune, some- 
times be obtained. 

In Limoges enamels there is little or no miniature work, 
but Toutin's, Petitot's and Bordier's work is true miniature, 
both in actual size, technique, and feeling. To execute such 
work some different pigments are necessary. 

The colours for Petitot's work and the work of all that 
class consist of finely-ground oxides of the various metals 
chosen, mixed with a very small amount of ground glass — 
just enough to hold them together when fused. The best 
medium is spike oil of lavender or fat oil of turpentine, or a 
mixture of both these oils. Such a medium allows of a 
certain amount of tractability in the pigment, which is singu- 
larly wanting if water is used. 

The miniature colours are painted — stippled — on to a clear 
white groundwork, and they require a low firing heat. After 
a firing more colour can be added as needed, until the picture 
is finished. 

The metal plates often curl in the firing, and as soon a3 
this defect becomes noticeable it should be rectified, while the 
plate is red hot and soft, by steady pressure on a flat metal 

Erasures can be made by rubbing with a fine corundum 
stick and water, and after any such operation the plate must 
be thoroughly washed as the corundum powder would spoil 
any colour or delicate work. 

If our modern miniature painters would work in enamels 
their work would remain in good condition, if not accidentally 
injured, for a very long time, whereas work in water-colours 



on paper, vellum or ivory is very perishable indeed. But an 
enamel portrait cannot well be done directly from a sitter, so 
that some sketch or painting to work from is a necessity. 

By means of joining together enamelled plates a portrait 
may be made of any size. Sir Hubert van Herkomer, R.A., 
did one of the German Emperor, life-size, in this manner 
with conspicuous success. 



€f)c Crenel) £ amilp in ftarxtt anii :JtcIanti, teztlj 
|>ome j3orc5? on tfjc Cfjenetoijc f amilp. 


The family that I venture to take as the subject of this paper 
is one that may be considered as a typical example of a 
Huguenot family which came to England and prospered. In 
the following remarks I have tried to seize on the most salient 
and interesting facts in the family history. 

The Trench family in Ireland trace their pedigree back to 
one Frederick de la Tranche who is believed, according to one 
version, to have left France in consequence of the massacre 
of St. Bartholomew in 1572. According to another tradition 
this Frederick gained much credit at the siege of La Eochelle 
when that city was attacked by the Catholic party in 1573, 
and in testimony of his services his arms were cut in stone 
and placed by order of the Mayor and Council over the 
principal gate of the city. Mr. Thomas Cooke-Trench (who 
compiled for private circulation a most invaluable Memoir of 
the Trench family, to which I am mainly indebted for the 
facts brought together in this paper) visited La Eochelle 
in 1895, and examined all the old gateways, looking for the 
arms supposed to have been carved over one of them. He 
was unable to find the arms, and had to be satisfied with the 
somewhat negative evidence that an old gateway possessed 
several shields on which, however, the arms had been com- 
pletely obliterated by lapse of time. 

As it is impossible to confirm this very interesting tra- 
dition, we cannot say for certain from what part of France 



this Frederick de la Tranche came. Playfair in his ' Family 
Antiquity ' gives the following account of the family's origin : — 
' The noble and ancient family of Trench is of French 
extraction, and takes its name from the Seigneurie of La 
Tranche in Poitou, of which it was formerly possessed. There 
were many families of this name formerly in France which, 
as well from the circumstance of their bearing in their arms, 
Or, as a crest, the armed hand Epee Tranchante, as from the 
addition to their name were probably branches of the family 
now spoken of : [such] as La Tranche, Lyon, in Brittany ; La 
Tranche, Montague, in Normandy ; and La Tranche de la 
Pioche, in Gascony, which last were settled at an early period 
in England. This family was among the first of those that 
embraced the Reformation in France, from whence it 
emigrated in consequence of the miserable state into which 
the country was reduced by the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
by the civil war, and the little faith that was kept with the 

A member of the Trench family went in 1844 to visit this 
last La Tranche, and describes it as 'a village on the sea- 
coast in the department of La Vendee, lying about three miles 
from the high-road between the towns called Sables d'Olonne 
and Lucon. The village is of the most singular character, 
being built on a ridge or spit of loose sand rising between the 
sea on one side and an immense extent of marshland upon 
the other.' No records or monuments were to be discovered 
in the church. 

The same member of the family (Rev. Francis Trench) 
discovered in a book, dated 1673, in the public library at 
La Rochelle, a genealogy of a family named La Tranchee, 
originally from Picardy, but then Seigneurs of Savigny. 
Their arms bear a certain resemblance to the arms borne now- 
by the Trench family, in so far as they contain three fleur- 

So much for the origin of the family, and we must now 
return to Frederick de la Tranche, who, according to Playfair's 
' Family Antiquity,' was settled three years after the massacre 
in Northumberland, a year later marrying Margaret, daughter 




of William Sutton, Esq. It is surmised that before his death, 
which occurred in 1580, he had crossed into Scotland, for his 
son James is described on his tomb as of Scotch birth and 
blood. 1 Frederick left three sons — Thomas, James, and Adam. 
Of these the youngest, Adam, settled in Scotland and we 
know no more of him. The second son, James (who took 
Orders), married Margaret, daughter of Lord Montgomery, 
and came to Ireland in 1605, where he was given the Rectory 
of Clongell by the Bishop of Meath, who was Lord Mont- 
gomery's brother. His only daughter married in 1632 her 
first cousin Frederick, son of Thomas Trench, who was the 
eldest son of the original Frederick de la Tranche. This 
second Frederick also settled in Ireland, purchasing Garbally 
Castle, County Galway. This house remained the seat of 
the eldest branch of his family till its destruction by tire 
in 1810. 

Frederick died in 1669, leaving three sons — Frederick. 
John, and William. Putting aside for the moment Frederick 
and John, we will first follow the fortunes of William. 
William received a grant in 1713-14 by Letters Patent 
for the purpose of building a lighthouse on the rock of 
Skerries off Holyhead. It seems from Mr. Hardy's book 
on ' Lighthouses : their History and Romance,' 2 that light- 
houses on the Skerries had been more than once proposed, 
but that Trinity House — obstructive even in those days — 
crushed the proposal. In 1692 or thereabouts, however, 
Trinity House did go so far as to offer to erect a lighthouse 
on the Skerries ' if the Irish trade would give a definite 
promise of contributing.' This the traders would not do, and 
the scheme was not finally carried through till the year 1714, 
when a wealthy and enterprising merchant named Trench, 
who was the leaseholder of the islands, built a lighthouse 
there at a cost of fully 3,000/., saying that the thing was 
needful, and that he would take the risk of loss. Poor man, 
it was a bad speculation for him ; his son lost his life in the 

1 James Trench's tombstone calls him (J. T.J ' ex illustri et in vie to 
Scotino [sic] gente natus,' Herald and Genealogist, vol. v. p. -542, &c. 
7 W. J. Hardy, Lighthouses : their History and Romance, p. 219. 



construction, the traders managed in different ways to evade 
the payment of the lighthouse dues which his patent autho- 
rised, and ten years later he went to his grave, a ruined man. 
After his death, the patent passed to a married daughter, 
whose husband tried in vain to get enough toll to support his 
light, and then sold his rights for a mere song. 

4 But the purchase was a fortunate one for the purchaser, 
or for his descendants or assigns ; increase in traffic to 
Ireland, and a better machinery for gathering the lighthouse 
dues, turned the Skerries into a very valuable possession ; 
and one cannot read of the vast sum of 445,000/. paid by the 
Trinity House to the owners without a sigh of regret for the 
ill-luck of the original builder of the lighthouse.' 

The two elder brothers, Frederick and John, rendered 
much active assistance to King William's army at the Battle 
of Aughrim in 1691, both serving as guides to the troops on 
the day of action, and pointing out to them the pass by which 
they were enabled to fall upon the flank of the enemy. 
Frederick likewise gave his house at Garbally as a hospital 
to the army. He was great-grandfather of the first Earl of 
Clancarty, of whom I shall speak later. 

John Trench, who likewise gave every assistance to King 
William's army at Aughrim, became Dean of Raphoe. The 
following tale is told of him at Aughrim : ' It was while 
guiding the attacking force through the pass by [Aughrim] 
Castle that Mr. Trench observed some gunners, who were 
firing away, but, as he quickly saw, with the muzzle of their 
gun at too high an elevation, so that the shots were passing 
over the heads of the enemy. He expostulated, but was told 
that they had driven all the wedges they had under the breech, 
and could do no more. He thereupon whipped out a knife, cut 
the high heel off his boot, and crammed it under the breech. 
It was the next discharge that killed St. Ruth who was in 
command of the Jacobite forces.' 1 His death entirely changed 
the fortunes of the day. It is said that the 'heel of the 
Dean of Raphoe's boot ' was for long a common Orange toast. 
The tradition still lingers in the County G-alway, and was 

1 Memoir of the Trench Family, pp. 61-2. 

B B 2 




urged as an argument by the Nationalist side against a member 
of the Trench family who contested the county in 1872. 

The Dean's grandson Frederick married Mary, daughter 
and co-heiress of Francis Sadieir, of Sopwell Hall, Countv 
Tipperary, from which marriage Sopwell Hall passed to the 
Trench family. Francis Sadieir, it is said, had acknowledge"] 
a nephew Thomas Sadieir as his heir, but when he was ill 
and likely to die charged his nephew that he should not on 
any account be 'waked.' "When, however, the doctor pro- 
nounced life to be extinct, the tenants who had assembled at 
the Castle were very anxious that there should be a f wake.' 
The nephew and heir was advised by a worldly-wise clergy- 
man that a wake now could make no difference to the dead 
man, while to refuse it would disappoint many loyal tenants. 
Thomas Sadieir thereupon had the body brought down for 
* waking ' purposes, but while doing so one of the bearers 
slipped, the coffin fell, and the jar restored to consciousness 
the supposed dead man. He was so angry at the disobedience 
of his nephew that he vowed that no Sadieir should ever 
inherit his property, with the result that he left it to his 

Frederick Trench and hi3 wife Mary nee Sadieir were 
perhaps not sorry for the turn events took, as they had the 
considerable family of twelve sons and eight daughters. The 
eldest son became the first Lord Ashtown. 

We must now return to the Clancarty branch. William 
Power Keating Trench, born in 1741, who was great grandson 
of Frederick Trench, the Dean of Eaphoe's elder brother, was 
M.P. for County Galway from 1768 to 1797. As colonel of 
the Galway Regiment of Militia he commanded the small 
advanced guard of the King's army at Bantry in December. 
1796. in order to oppose the landing of General Hoche. In 
November 1797 he was made a Irish peer and rapidly 
advanced to a viscountcy and earldom — with the title of Earl 
of Clancarty. 

He died in 1805, having had ten sons and nine daughters. 
The second Earl of Clancarty was made an English 
viscount ; he wa3 appointed in 1813 Ambassador to the 



Hague, and accompanied the Prince of Orange when the 
latter returned from England to Holland after the Battle of 
Leipsic. His letters at that time to his wife give a graphic 
description of the enthusiasm with which the Prince was 

The fourth son of the first earl was Power Trench, who was 
successively Bishop of Waterford and Archbishop of Tuam. 
He is said to have united in a remarkable manner the athlete, 
.the man of business, and the minister. During the rebellion, 
we are told, ' he scoured the country night and day, hunting 
the rebels ; and only for him this country would be a desperate 
place. Many a life he saved, and many a man he saved from 
the gallows and from being transported.' He is said to have 
carried off all the bellows from the neighbouring smithies to 
prevent the manufacture of pikes. ' As a bishop he made it 
a rule periodically and personally to visit every parish in his 
diocese. This he accomplished mainly on horseback, his 
active habits and early experiences as a fox-hunter standing 
him here in good stead.' He died in 1839. 

Returning again to the Ashtown branch, Frederick Trench 
(son of the Frederick who married Mary Sadleir, and eldest 
cf their twenty children) represented the borough of Port- 
arlington in the Parliament of Ireland at the time of the 
Union, and was created Baron Ashtown of Moate in the 
County G-alway by patent dated December 27, 1S00. As 
Mr. Cooke-Trench says in his memoir ' the family may well 
wish that the patent bore any other date, as the natural pre- 
sumption would be that it was, like so many others of the 
same time, the price at which his vote for the Union was 
purchased.' That not very trustworthy historian, Sir Jonah 
Barrington in his ' Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation,' gives 
the following account of the incident : — 

[The address advocating Union ' for consolidating into one 
fabric the power and interests of both countries ' was moved 
on January 22, 1799, and the same night Mr. Ponsonby 
moved an amendment, adding the words 4 maintaining 
inviolate however the birthright of our countrymen as esta- 
blished in 1782 by our Parliament and ratified by his 



Majesty.'] Sir Jonah says : ' It was- suspected that Mr. Trench 
had been long in negotiation with Lord Castlereagh, but it 
did not in the early part of that night appear to have been 
brought to any conclusion — his conditions were supposed to 
be too extravagant. Mr. Trench, after some preliminary 
observations, declared, in a speech, that he would vote against 
the Minister and support Mr. Ponsonby's amendment. This 
appeared a stunning blow for Mr. Cooke [Lord Castlereagh' s 
agent], who had been previously in conversation with Mr. 
Trench. He was immediately observed sideling from his 
seat nearest to Lord Castlereagh. They whispered earnestly, 
and, as if restless and undecided, both looked wistfully towards 
Mr. Trench. At length the matter seemed to be determined 
on. Mr. Cooke retired to a back seat, and was obviously 
endeavouring to count the house — probably to guess if they 
could that night dispense with Mr. Trench's services. He 
returned to Lord Castlereagh — they whispered — again looked 
most affectionately at Mr. Trench, who seemed unconscious 
that he was the subject of their consideration. But there 
was no time to lose — the question was approaching — all shame 
was banished, they decided on the terms, and a significant 
and certain glance, obvious to everybody, convinced Mr. 
Trench that his conditions were agreed to. Mr. Cooke then 
went and sat down by his side ; an earnest but very short con- 
versation took place ; a parting smile completely told the 
house that Mr. Trench was that moment satisfied. . . In a 
few minutes Mr. Trench rose, to apologise for having indis- 
creetly declared he would support the amendment. He added, 
that he had thought better of the subject since he had un- 
guardedly expressed himself ; that he had been convinced 
he was wrong, and would support the Minister.' 1 

The result was that the amendment was defeated by one 
vote, but it is not very likely that Mr. Trench's vote if given 
against the Union would have altered the fate of history, as 
another year had still to pass before the Union was carried. 

Sir Jonah's statement appears very awkward for Mr. 

1 Bise and Fall of Oie Irish Nation, by Sir Jonah Barrington, p. 405. 



Trench, and he has been followed by Mr. Swift McNeill, whose 
method of writing is perhaps more hysterical than historical. 1 
There seems, unfortunately, no doubt that Mr. Trench spoke 
first in favour of the amendment and later on changed his mind, 
saying he had misunderstood the effect of it. Certainly the 
amendment as moved seems almost as ambiguous as some of 
our latter-day fiscal amendments. Such an excuse would not 
in itself, I fear, gain Mr. Trench a verdict of ' not guilty,' but 
fortunately we have further evidence of a more direct nature 
in Lord Cornwallis' correspondence which was published in 
1859. On June 9, 1800, he writes to the Duke of Portland 
enclosing *• a list of the persons to whom I have ventured to 
hold out a reasonable expectation that, in consequence of their 
valuable services in the manner I have alluded to, His 
Majesty would, in his goodness, raise them to the rank of 
Peers of Ireland.' Then follows the list, with the nature of 
the services of each, but it does not include the name of 
Frederick Trench. In fact it is not till November 1800, 
twenty-two months after the alleged bargain, that we find 
Lord Cornwallis suggesting the peerage. He writes on 
November 15, 1800, to the Duke of Portland, ' with great 
diffidence I must request that your Grace will endeavour to 
obtain His Majesty's permission that I may add one more 
recommendation for this honour [i.e. a peerage], which will 
positively be the last that I shall presume to make. The 
person in whose favour I venture to solicit is the mother of 
Mr. Frederick Trench, of Woodlawn, in the County of GaJway. 
That gentleman exerted himself with zeal and weight in our 
successful attempt to obtain resolutions in favour of the 
Union in the County of Galway, and he made one or two very 
able and impressive speeches in support of that measure in 
the last Session of Parliament. If your Grace can obtain 
this favour for me from His Majesty, you will greatly oblige 
me, and relieve me from the disagreeable sensation of parting 
on ungracious terms from an honourable and disinterested 
friend, who, if he had, like many others, made his bargain, 

1 Titled Corruption, by Swift McNeill, K.C., M.P. 



would not now have had occasion to stand in the light of 
a solicitor.' 1 

Though of course it is true that the peerage was granted 
as a reward for political services in favour of the Union, the 
picturesque account of Sir Jonah Barrington that it was given 
as the result of a corrupt bargain on the floor of the House of 
Commons seems quite discredited by Lord Cornwallis' letter. 

The peerage was finally given to Frederick Trench himself 
and not to his mother. He died in 1840, and was succeeded 
by his nephew, whose grandson now holds the title. Two 
more members of the family deserve notice before I terminate. 

Richard Trench, younger brother of the first Lord 
Ashtown, married in 1808 Melesina, widow of Colonel St. 
George and* daughter of the Rev. Philip Chenevix, only 
son of the Right Rev. Richard Chenevix, Bishop of Water- 
ford. With the Chenevixes, we are once more on Huguenot 
ground ; and I should like to be allowed to refer at some 
little length to their history. Philippe le Chenevix, grand- 
father of the Bishop of Chenevix, born about 1625, came 
to England and obtained letters of naturalisation, dated 
November 21, 1682. He subsequently went toTEr eland and 
settled at Pottarlington. His brother, M. Paul Chenevix 
d'Eply, is famous among Huguenot martyrs, dying in 1686 at 
Metz, his dead body being dragged on a hurdle and buried 
in a dung-hill. 

A letter dated Metz, October 2, 1686, says : * Poor M. 
de Chenevix lies very ill. The curate of the parish was with 
him to oblige him to confession, but he positively told him 
that he would not confess himself to any but God, who alone 
could forgive his sins. Afterwards he was visited by the 
Archbishop, who would have obliged him to communicate 
before death, which he also as stiffly refused. The Arch- 
bishop acquainted him with the King's orders concerning 
such who, being sick, refuse to communicate ere they die. 
He replied that he cared not a rush for them, and that he 
.would never communicate after the Popish manner.' 2 

1 Cornwallis, Correspondence, vol. iii. p. 303 (Murray, 1859). 

2 Agnew, vol. ii., p. 271. 


aetat 85 December 12, 1708 
Reproduced from the original portrait at Lambeth Palace, 
by permission of His Grace, the Archbishop of Canterbury 



Neither his character nor his age (he was eighty) were 
regarded ; sentence was given that his corpse should be 
removed by the executioner. A guard of soldiers were unable 
to suppress such exclamations as * There goes a Man of God,' 
f he is on his car of triumph ' . . . ' his body is disfigured 
with dirt, but his soul is washed in the blood of Christ.' His 
friends fetched his corpse from the dung-hill ; they wrapped 
it in linen, and prepared a grave in the garden ; it was borne 
thither during the night on the shoulders of four men, 
attended by 400 persons, chiefly females, who while the 
corpse was let down into the grave, sang mournfully the 
79th Psalm, in which the Prophet deplores the desolation of 

Philip Chenevix, his brother, as we have seen, came over 
to England. His property, as was usual, was given to a 
relative who relapsed into Catholicism. He had one son, 
Philip, who became a major in the 2nd Carabineers and fell 
at Blenheim : he left three sons ; Philip, the eldest, became 
Lieutenant-Colonel of Lord George Sackville's regiment of 
horse ; Daniel, the second, became a goldsmith, and ap- 
parently bought Strawberry Hill, which his widow, born Mary 
Eoussel, sold to Horace Walpole. There are various mentions 
of Mrs. Chenevix in Walpole's letters : she seems to have 
kept a toy-shop. The third son, Eichard, was born in 1698, 
was educated at Peterhouse, Cambridge, and on taking Orders 
in 1719 became domestic chaplain to Lord Scarborough. 
Lord Scarborough recommended him as chaplain in 1728 to 
Lord Chesterfield, then appointed Ambassador Extraordinary 
to The Hague. At The Hague, Chenevix appears to have 
made a great impression, being treated with peculiar dis- 
tinction by the Prince of Orange, and gaining the warm 
friendship of his patron. Indeed Lord Chesterfield continued 
to correspond with him till his death, and, as Mrs. Trench 
says, ' paid him the respect of appearing to him a strict 
friend to religion and morality.' On his return to England 
in 1732, Lord Chesterfield seems to have been anxious to 
secure his friend some preferment. Thus on February 15, 
1740, we find him advising Chenevix not to expect the living 



of Southwark, being persuaded that Sir Robert Walpole will 
never let him have it, but promises his own help when the 
living becomes vacant. In 1748 Chenevix seems to have 
been settled at Nottingham. In 1745, when Lord Chester- 
field was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he recom- 
mended Dr. Chenevix for the bishopric of Clonfert, but on 
April 27 we find him writing that there is a hitch in the 
appointment, and saying, e Pray give no answer whatsoever 
to anybody, that either writes or speaks to you on the subject, 
but leave it to me, for I make it my own affair, and you shall 
have either the Bishopric of Clonfert, or a better thing, or 
else I will not be Lord Lieutenant.' 

In fact it is said that when the King (to whom Chenevix's 
appointment was distasteful) said to Lord Chesterfield that 
'he wished he would look out for another bishop,' Lord 
Chesterfield replied ' that he wished the King would look 
out for another Lord Lieutenant.'* The upshot of it all was 
that Chenevix was made Bishop, not of Clonfert, but of 
Killaloe, and in a few months translated to the richer 
diocese of "Waterford and Lismore. 

The Bishop did not forget his unfortunate Protestant 
friends in France. He w T as acquainted with the obligations 
of Ireland to the linen manufacture, and as Lord Chesterfield 
knew the industrial advantages accruing to Holland from the 
Huguenot refugees an establishment was set up at Waterford. 
The management was given to Patrick Smith, and fifty French 
families from the North of Ireland and two from Holland 
were transplanted to Waterford, where also a French church 
was built. On May 22, 1752, we find Lord Chesterfield 
promising fifty guineas to the plan, and saying: 'You have 
made a beginning, which is often the greatest difficulty ; and 
I think it is now impossible but that the Government and 
Parliament must carry it on. . . . Could the Government and 
Parliament be brought to adopt this affair heartily, and push 
it effectually, a considerable sum ought to be granted for 
that particular purpose, as was done in England, at the time 
of the great refuge upon the revocation of the edit de Nantes. 
Lands too might be purchased and houses and necessaries 



provided for the refugees in Kerry and in Connaught, near 
and under the protection of some of the barracks, which would 
greatly improve and civilise, and in time enrich, those two at 
present inhospitable and almost barbarous counties. The 
opportunity is now extremely favourable, while the weakness 
of the French Government suffers the rage and fury of the 
clergy to drive such numbers of its subjects into other 
countries. I wish we could get them all into England and 
Ireland ; that would be the true and justifiable way of pro- 
moting the Protestant interest, instead of following the example 
of the Papists by persecuting them.' 

Mrs. Richard Trench paints a pleasant picture of the 
Bishop. 'My paternal grandfather,' she says, 'was one of 
those guileless, humble, benevolent, firm, affectionate, and 
pious characters, rarely seen, and never duly appreciated ; 
particularly when a species of naivete, which for want of a 
better name the world calls simplicity, is blended with these 
qualities. He was learned, active, and diligent, both in the 
performance of his duties and the cultivation of his mind, to 
the last hour of a life prolonged beyond the age of fourscore. 
> . . Inattentive to the voice of vanity, selfishness, or dissi- 
pation, and above all taste for luxury and splendour, his 
superfluity was exclusively devoted to acts of charity • and 
his idea of superfluity was that of a Christian bishop. To 
one who expressed fears of his injuring his family by his 
generosity, he replied, " No, no, I shall die scandalously rich." 
Till fourscore years of age he rose at six, lighted his own fire, 
was temperate even to abstemiousness, never tasting any but x 
ths plainest food ; was strictly attentive to every religious 
exercise, public and private ; was polite, hospitable, receiving 
frequently large companies, from whom he retired to his study 
when they sat down to cards ; and on every Sunday inviting 
a numerous party of clergymen and officers to an early 
dinner which admitted of attending divine service in the 

So attached did the good Bishop become to Waterford, 
that when offered, while Townshend was Viceroy, the Arch- 
bishopric of Dublin, he refused to ' leave his children.' His 



son Philip died at Nice of consumption in 1771, leaving his 
only child Melesina to be brought up by the bishop. The 
bishop died in 1779, leaving £1000 to each of his dioceses 
"Waterford and Lismore. His granddaughter married Colonel 
St. George in 1786 at the age of eighteen, but was left a 
widow three years later. During the years 1799-1801 she 
paid a visit to Germany, stopping at Hanover, Brunswick, 
Berlin, Dresden, and Vienna ; in her diary she has left us 
very lively accounts of the Courts at all these different capitals. 
At Dresden she came across Nelson and the Hamiltons in 
October 1800. The following is part of her description, 
which has been much criticised : — 

4 October 3. — Dined at Mr. Elliot's with only the Nelson 
party. It is plain that Lord Nelson thinks of nothing but 
Lady Hamilton, who is totally occupied by the same object. 
She is bold, forward, coarse, assuming, and vain. Her figure 
is colossal, but, excepting her feet, which are hideous, well 
shaped. ,Her bones are large, and she is exceedingly embon- 
point. She resembles the bust of Ariadne ; the shape of all 
her features is fine, as is the form of her head, and particu- 
larly her ears ; her teeth are a little irregular, but tolerably 
white ; her eyes light blue, with a brown spot in one, which, 
though a defect, takes nothing awiy from her beauty or 
expression. Her eyebrows and hair are dark and her com- 
plexion coarse. Her expression is strongly marked, variable, 
and interesting ; her movements in common life ungraceful ; 
her voice loud yet not disagreeable. Lord Nelson is a little 
man, without any dignity ; who, I suppose, must resemble 
what Suwarrow was in his youth, as he is like all the pictures 
I have seen of that General. Lady Hamilton takes possession 
of him, and he i3 a willing captive, the most submissive and 
devoted I have seen. Sir William is old, infirm, all admira- 
tion of his wife, and never spoke to-day but to applaud her. 
Miss Cornelia Knight seems the decided flatterer of the two, 
and never opens her mouth but to show forth their praise ; 
and Mr3. Cadogan, Lady Hamilton's mother, is — what one 
might expect. After dinner we had several songs in honour 
of Lord Nelson, written by Miss Knight, and sung by Lady 



Hamilton. She puffs the incense full in hia face ; but he 
receives it with pleasure, and snuffs it up very cordially. 
The songs all ended in the sailor's way, with " Hip, hip, hip, 
hurra," and a bumper with the last drop on the nail, a cere- 
mony I had never heard of or seen before.' 

If this account of Lady Hamilton seems to depreciate even 
her external advantages, it must be remembered that it is 
a description by one beautiful woman of another. 

Mrs. St. George returned to England in the spring of 
1801, but in July 1802 set out for France, which, owing to 
the Peace of Amiens, became once more accessible after being 
closed nine years to English travellers. In the following 
March she was married in the English Embassy in Paris to 
Eichard Trench. Just as they were about to return to 
England, they were surprised by the abrupt termination of 
the Peace of Amiens and detained as prisoners of war. In 
August they left Paris with a passport granted by Junot for 
Tours, but got permission to stop at Orleans owing to the 
state of Mrs. Eichard Trench's health. Here they appear to 
have stayed till 1807, or at least Mrs. Trench did so, for 
much less restraint seems to have been laid on Mrs. Trench, 
and each year she paid a visit of several weeks to Paris. 
Her object there was to employ all interest, first of all, to pre- 
vent her husband being sent to Verdun, like the majority of 
the English, and secondly, if possible, to get leave for him to 
return to England. In August 1805 she delivered a petition 
to the Emperor at Fontainebleau, who was just driving off in 
his caleche after a successful hunt in the Park. It was not till 
the spring of 1807 that her efforts were successful. Mr. and 
Mrs. Trench returned to England, and in the autumn of that 
same year (September 5), while they were on a visit to Dublin, 
their third son, Eichard Chenevix Trench, was born. He was 
educated at Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge, where 
he was a member of a brilliant coterie known as the Apostles, 
other members being Frederic Maurice, John Kemble, 
Spedding, Venables, and Eichard Milnes. Soon after leaving 
Cambridge he was fired by his romantic nature to join 
General Torrijos and the Constitutionalists in their descent 



on Spain. He and Kemble sailed for Gibraltar in July 
1830, but instead of finding everything arranged by the local 
authorities, they found them, as he says, ' a set of the most 
lying imbeciles that ever formed that most imbecile of all 
associations — a Spanish Junta.' The attempt to land and 
win over a Spanish regiment failed, and Trench left Spain 
and was back in England by March 6, 1831. 

In October 1832 Trench took Orders, and his subsequent 
career as Rector of Itchenstoke, Dean of Westminster from 
1856 to 1863, Archbishop of Dublin from 1863 to 1884, 
and as author and poet, is too well known and recent 
for me to say anything about it. One peculiar incident in 
his life is worth} 7 of mention— namely, that on June 21, 1856, 
the ' Times ' appeared with the announcement that the Rev. 
R. C. Trench had been appointed by Lord Palmerston, Bishop 
of Gloucester and Bristol. The announcement unfortunately 
was premature, and the Queen, nettled by its publication, 
appointed another bishop. Richard Trench had not, however, 
long to wait before getting preferment, for it was in October 
of the same year that he was offered the Deanery of West- 

Before I finish it is perhaps only right to say that some 
people have questioned whether the Trench pedigree with its 
Huguenot origin can be maintained as correct, and certainly 
the theory rests on a somewhat slender basis. The docu- 
mentary evidence does not seem to go further back than the 
Earl of Clancarty, who in 1802 compiled a memoir, which 
is printed in 1810 in Playfair's ' Family Antiquity.' It has 
been suggested that this account of the family was the work 
of a professional pedigree-hunter, and whoever actually 
compiled it seems to have gone astray in attributing to Adam 
Trench (the third son of Frederick de la Tranche) a grandson, 
Thomas, who died at Hackney in 1699, and an account of 
whose tomb is given in Stow's * Survey ' (article ' Hackney '). 
For it seems pretty certain that this Thomas belonged to the 
Trenches of Gressenhall, Norfolk, who seem to have settled 
there as early as 1500, and whose crest at the time of the 
visitation of Essex, 1634, wa3 'an arm in armour embowed, 


holding a sword, all proper (Trench),' though the arms bore 
no particular resemblance, being ' paly of six argents and 
sable, over all a bend or.' 1 

As to the evidence of the arms, the arms borne by the 
Trench family are Arg. a lion passant gules, between three 
fieurs de lis az, on a chief of the last the sun in splendour or. 

Mr. Cooke-Trench thinks that the coat as it exists to-day 
* is a compound made up, by persons ignorant of heraldry, of 
the fanciful coat engraved on their ancestor's tomb, and of 
the original arms of the family.' 

Mr. Trench is here assuming that the original arms of 
the family were those described in the work found by the 
Reverend Francis Trench in 1844 in the public library at 
La Rochelle — viz. the ' Recherches de la Champagne, par 
Monsieur de Caumartin, 1673.' The arms are there de- 
scribed as — 

* D'azur au chevron d'argent, accompagne de trois fieurs 
de Lys d'or.' 

4 The fanciful coat engraved on their ancestor's tomb ' 
referred to by Mr. Cooke-Trench is that on the tomb cf James 
Trench (the second son of the traditional Frederick de la 
Tranche) at Clongell. The shield is divided by a tau cross 
into three compartments ; in the left-hand compartment are 
five figures which may be heraldic roses with three leaves, 
on the other are a number of tools, above are the lion passant 
and the sun in splendour. The tools, which represent an 
axe, shovel, spades, pickaxe, &c, rather point to the name 
Trench being derived from someone who made trenches. 

Further there seems no doubt that the name Trench 
existed in Scotland in the fifteenth century, and as the above 
James Trench is described on his tomb as ' of the illustrious 
and unconquered Scottish race,' it is difficult to understand 
this description if his father lived most of his life in France. 
This original Frederick de la Tranche's career is likewise 
somewhat surprising. Thus, although generally credited 
with having left France in consequence of the St. Bartholomew 
in 1572, tradition also states that he gained much credit in 

1 Earleian Soc. vol. xiii. (1378) p. 506. 



the siege of La Rochelle in 1573, Tvhile in 1576 we find him 
settled in Northumberland and married to an Englishwoman 
(in itself a little astonishing if we remember how very much 
the Huguenots married among themselves). Four years after 
his marriage we find him dying probably in Scotland, leaving 
four children. 

Until, however, we find further evidence contradicting the 
accepted tradition, I think we may agree to give this family 
the benefit of the doubt. 



Cge jramilp of Eigonicr. 


For this valuable addition to a pedigree of Ligonier, printed 
in * Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica ' (New Series, iv. 
219) so long ago as 1884, the compiler is indebted to an 
obliging correspondent, who is fruitfully engaged on the 
history of the Huguenot refugees of Castres and its neighbour- 
hood, M. Rey Lescure, of Montauban : — 


(Famille de Castres.) 

I. Antoine Ligonier, receveur des deniers publics du 
comte de Castres des 1567, consul de Castres en 1569 ; 
mourut de la peste en 1570. II avait embrasse la 
Reforme, ainsi que sa femme, Bernardine Casercy, 
laquelle laissa deux fils : 

1. Jean, qui suit ; 

2. Daniel L., capitaine huguenot, epoux de Sara (1) 
de Terson, qui eut pour enfants : (a) Antoine, 
(b) Honore, pasteur, (c) Esther, (d) Marguerite, 
(e) Jeanne laquelle ep. en 1615 Jean- Jacques 
Plasse avocat a Montauban. 

II. Jean L., receveur des deniers publics, consul de Castres 

(1) In 1591, much about what must have been the date of Sara's 
marriage, an Isabeau de Terson became the wife of Abel Rotolp, 
Sieur de la Devese, first Consul of Castres in 1599 and 1607, ex 
quo the Dutch and Irish Ladevezes. There were several alliances be- 
tween Ligonier, de Rotolp de La Devese, d'Esperandieu d'Ai^uefonde, 
de Falguerolles, and de Terson, all of which families later had 
representatives among the Refugees in Ireland. 

VOL. VIII. — -NO. IV. C C 



en 1584, ep. en 1577 (contrat du 25 fevrier chez Bissol 
notaire), Isabeau de Eotolp, dont : 

1. Jean, 1578-1828, qui a forme la branche A ; 

2. Jacques, 1580-1638, qui a forme la branche B ; 

3. Suzanne, 1583-16 . ep. en 1600 Jean Josion, 
pasteur a Castres ; 

4. Daniel, 1586-16 . ., S r du Buisson, commissaire 
de l'artillerie de France, exempt francais des 
Suisses de la garde du Roi, pere de (a), Suzanne 
femme de J n Du Poncet S r de Latrinque, et de 
(b), Isabeau femme de Jean de Scorbiac ; 

5. Isabeau, 1590-16 . ., 6p. Philippe Dupin, pasteur 
a Castres ; 

6. David, 1593-1622, avocat a la Chambre del'Edit, 
mort a Paris ; 

7. Antoine, 1598-16 . qui a forme" la branche C. 


III. Jean de L., 1578-1628, conseiller & secretaire du Roi 
en la chancellerie de la Cour des Aides de Montpeilier, 
en 1620. — De sa l ire femme, Isabeau Dupin, il eut 
Abel qui a forme le rameau Aa ; de la 2 e , Jeanne de 
Jouy, il eut Jacques auteur du rameau Ab, & Antoine 
auteur du rameau Ac. 


IV. Abel de L., 1613-1684, secretaire du Roi, con er en la 
chancellerie de Montpeilier, anobli en vertu de son 
office 1 ; ep. 1634 Marguerite Le Roy; il eut, entre 
autres pour enfants : 

1. Louis, 1640-1693, qui suit ;. 

2. Jean, 1642-1667 ; 

3. (2) Abel, 1648- . ., sieur de Roges, pasteur a 

(2) Abel Ligonier was naturalised by Act of Parliament, No. 32, 
10 William III. (1697). Can he have been the opportune uncle 
who succoured the young John Louis on his arrival in this year ? 

1 Ses armes etaient : D'or, a Pours de sable, arme 1 , lampasse & allume de 



Labastide de Leran en 1681, refugie en Angle- 
terre ; 

4. Daniel, 1657-1692, sieur de Lisle, cap. de 
grenadiers au regiment du Dauphin, tue devant 
Namur ; 

5. (3) Marie-Marguerite* 1657- . ., ep. Abel de Eotolp, 

(3) Marie Marguerite was the second wife of the ci-devant 
Pasteur of Castres, Abel, son by Suzanne d'Esperandieu of Antoine, 
Sieur des Farguettes, and grandson of the above-named Abel, 
Consul of Castres. She had started fair, as appears from her 
marriage contract of July 8, 1679, with a dowry of 10,000 livres. 
But in 1709 she is found describing herself as 'chargee de sept 
enfant s ' and petitioning for a continuation of her husband's pension. 
Two of these seven children, Abel, who was born at Castres before 
his parent's flight, and Anthony, baptised at The Hague, March 7, 
1689, are found to have been naturalised by Act of Parliament, 
No. 81, 5 and 6 Anne (1707), Abel in his full and proper name of 
Eotolp de Ladevese, and Antbony simply as Anthony Ladavese. 
Abel, who had in 1714 married a Dutch lady, Constance van 
Nooswyck, appeal s to have returned to Holland. His will, made at 
The Hague in 1749, was proved in the P.C.C. (259, Greeniey) in 
1750. Anthony, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 19th Foot, who died in 
Dublin in 1771, aged 81, married Emilia, daughter of Colonel John 
Trapaud, a refugee from Guienne, by his first wife, Aymee, daughter 
of Peter de St. Julien de Malacare (who came from near Bordeaux), 
and left two sons, who both however o.s.p. They were (1) John 
Ladaveze (+1804), Captain of Dragoons, who had to his first wife 
Maria Theresa Dejean (tl787), and to his second, Mary Vesey 
(yl822), a grand-daughter of John Vesey, Archbishop of Tuam, and 
{2) Abel Adlercron Ladeveze (fl767), Archdeacon of Cashel. John 
Ladeveze, in his will proved in the P.C. of Ireland, in July 1804, 
desired that John, son of his late cousin John Arabin, should take up 
his arms, and assume the name of Ladeveze before that of Arabin. 
His collection of shells to go to the Trinity College Museum, ' with 
my name and year in a conspicuous part of the glass or case.' 

Peter de la Deveze, who died in Dublin in 1715, and was 
interred in the yard of St. Peter's Church, to which he left 81. to 
provide a sconce, was presumably another graudson of the First 
Consul of Castres, and, it may be fairly conjectured, to be identified 
with the younger son of his fourth son, Samuel, vL. Pierre, Sieur 
d'Aimar, who married Marthe de Cabrol de Laroque. And a note 



S r de La Devese, pasteur a Castres, refugies tous 
deux en Hollande. 

V. Louis de L., 1640-1693, seigneur de Montcuquet, ep. 
1677 Louise du Poncet : ils eurent 10 enfants, dont 
4 morts en bas age : 

1. Abel, qui suit ; 

2. (4) Jean-Louis, ne 17 octobre 1680 f 28 avril 1770, 

may perhaps be permitted regarding him, though he takes us off 
the direct Ligonier track, if only for the sake of his interesting will, 
in which appear numerous legatees scattered over England, Ireland, 
Holland, and Germany. Peter de Castrie, son of Madame de la 
Coste, who was to receive one shilling, was presumably a relative 
whose pretensions were to be thus cut off. His executor was 
Anthony Laroque, of London. He had ' run astray like the horse 
which is got loose,' but a Higher Power had ' conducted him by the 
hand into this country of refuge.' 

(4) John Louis Ligonier came to England at the age of 17. 
He took part in all of Marlborough's great battles, and was made 
a knight banneret at Dettingen in 1742. In 1757, being then 
a Field Marshal, he was created Viscount and Baron Ligonier, of 
Enniskillen, in Ireland ; in 1762, under a new patent, with remainder 
to Edward Ligonier, Viscount Ligonier, of Clonmel ; in the next 
year he was advanced to an English barony, as Baron Ligonier, of 
Ripley, co. Surrey ; and to an English earldom in 1766. He died 
on April 28, 1770, at the fairly typical Huguenot age of 89 (not, as 
is said in the ' Extinct Peerage,' of 91), and was buried at Cobham, 
not, as stated in the ' D.N.B.,' in the Abbey, where, however, a 
monument, exhibiting medallion heads of himself and the five British 
sovereigns he served under, was erected. His will, proved in the 
P.C.C. on May 2, is found registered at 198, Jenner. Of the 
numerous portraits that appear to be in existence of Lord Ligonier 
the most important are the two mentioned in the ' D.N.B.' The one 
which is there stated to be in the French Hospital in Shaftesbury 
Avenue is a treasured possession of the French Hospital of ' La 
Providence,' of which he was the governor for twenty- two years. 
A reproduction of this, it may be remembered, was presented by the 
late Deputy-Governor in Vol. IV. of the Society's Proceedings. (See 
note on p. 384.) The proper and legitimate family arms are, as 
given by M. Lescure, Or, a bear sable, armed and langued gules. But 
the Herald's College, more stio, bestowed a new coat, a fond thing 



refugie en Angleterre, feld-marechal, comte; 
il laissa une fille Penelope, laquelle epousa (5) 
Arthur Graham, lieut fc -col el du l er reg fc de la 
Garde ; 

3. (6) Antoine, ne 8 novembre 1681 f en 1767, 
refugie en Angleterre, major dans le regiment de 
Harrison (15 e ) puis colonel ; il mourut celiba- 
taire ; 

4. Marguerite, 1684-1771, ep. (7) Louis de Eotolp 
S r de la Devese ; 

vainly invented, on the new peer — viz. Gules, a lion rampant, argent, 
on a chief of the second, a crescent between two mullets, azure. 

John Louis is said in the ' D.N.B. ' to have been befriended on 
his arrival by his mother's brother, who was a lieutenant-colonel of 
Irish foot under King William. Anyhow there were two refugee 
brothers of this name, John Louis and William Du Poncet, who, as 
they came from Castres, were pretty certainly of Madame de 
Ligonier's family. John Lewis Duponcet Vintrou, who died 
October 19, 1741, desires in his will made in Dublin in the previous 
year a funeral suitable to the station of a Refugee. To his nephew 
and niece, John Lewis and Susanna Margaretta Duponcet, he leaves 
300Z. apiece, ana then after a few small legacies ' to all my other 
relations one shilling to be divided among them.' His brother, 
Captain William Duponcet, is to be executor, or in default Major 
Ladeveze or Colonel Pechels. Captain William, who appears in 
the Register shorn of his proper prefix as plain ' Poncet,' had married 
Susanne Baudry ; and in August, 1742, at the age apparently of 36, 
since she died June 20, 1778, aged 72, his daughter Susanne was 
married by Dean Saurin to Pierre Besnard, who came from Angers. 

(5) The children of Arthur and Penelope Graham were, besides 
two sons, Ligonier Arthur and John Jeffrey, who died young, 
(1) Penelope, first wife of Henry Vernon, of Hilton Park, Staffs., 
who left issue by her, as well as by his second wife, Margaret 
Fisher, who also had a Huguenot descent (in common with the 
writer of these notes) through Godde ; Sydney, who m. John 
Carden ; Elizabeth, who m. Francis Lloyd, of Leaton Knolls, M.P. 
for Montgomeryshire ; and Catherine, who m. Richard Dawson, 
ex quo Lord Dartrey (vide Peerage). 

(6) Anthony Ligonier was naturalised by Act of Parliament, 
No. 24, 4 Anne (1705-6). 

(7) Louis, b. about 1684, eldest son of Abel Rotolp cle la Devese 



1. Anne-Louise, 1710- . ., ep. 1734 J n F s de S* Jean 
de Turin, b° n de Farac ; 
■ 2. Charles, 1712-1780, S= r de Montcuquet, ep. 1741 

J ne Marie de Poyen, dont 3 enf ants : 
(a) Henri Daniel, cap ne au regiment de Touraine ; 
(b) N . . . ; (c) Anne-Louise 1745-1781, 
ep. Pierre de Gervain, S gr de Eoquepiquet ; 
3. Henri, qui suit : 

VII. Henri de L., 1723-1803, S gr de Latour, lieut* au ireg* 
de Touraine, ep. 1773 J ne Francoise-Marguerite de (12) 
Falguerolles, dont : 

1. Charlotte-Louise-Henriette, 1774- . ., ep. Gaspard 
de Comte, S r de la Veaute ; 

2. Louis-Godefroy, qui suit ; 

3. Edouard-Anne-Ernest, 1780-1851. 

VIII. Louis-Godefroy de L., 1775-1826, ep. 1803 Fanny de 
Mauries de S' Julien, dont : 

Marie Madelaine Collot d'Escury, founded a flourishing family 
(vide Baronetage), three members of which became Directors of the 
French Hospital. The de Vignolles, also well established in 
Ireland (who now spell their name with a single 1), were her cousins, 
the refugee, Charles de Vignolles (1615-1725) having been her uncle. 
The said Charles, by his first marriage with Marthe de Beauvoir du 
Eoure, had eight children, all it is believed born in London, and by 
his second marriage with Gabrielle d'Esperandieu, daughter of 
Jacques, Sieur d'Aiguefonde, a further family of nine children, of 
whom James Louis de Vignolles, Major of the 31st Regiment, m. at 
Pbrtarlington, March 17, 1737, for his first wife, Anne Maria 
Ligonier de Bonneval, q.v. 

(12) Mention is found elsewhere of a Godefroi de Falguerolles, 
who married one of the de La Devese Rotolps, and whose daughter 
m. in 1777, Paul, Comte BoufTard. The refugee of this name, 
Captain Peter de Falguerolles, died unmarried in 1716 or 1717, 
and willed all his pretensions (P.C.C. 59, Whitfield), to his uncle, 
Captain Joshua Giberne. He had been naturalised in 1714 (No. 57, 
13 Anne), being son of Pierre de Falguerolles of St. Hippolyte, in 
the Cevennes, and Jeanne [Giberne] . She, his widowed mother, 
was buried at Dublin in September 1701. 



1. Charles de L., 1808-1871, ep. 18 . . Marie La- 
yer gne, qui lui donna Laure de L. 1843- . . ep. 
N. Isambert, dont : Edouard Isambert, 1864, qui 
substitue a son nom (par decret de 1892) celui de 
Ligonier ; il ep. en 1891 Leontine Fremy, dont 

2. Leontine, 1803-18 . . Elie Barrau, 


IV. Jacques de L., 1617-1693, S r du Fraysse avocat, ep. 
Honoree Le Eoy, dont : 

1. Jean, 1643-1677, S r du Fraysse, avocat 

2. Antoine, 1647-16 . . 

3. Antoinette. 


IV. Antoine de L., 1619- . . , S r des Vignals, ep. 1649 (13) 
Marie de Eotolp de La Devese, dont : 

1. (14) Antoine de L., S r de Bonneval, 1651-1733, 

(13) She was one of the seven children, by Susanne d'Esperan- 
dien, daughter of Guillaume, Sgr. d'Aiguefonde, of the afore-named 
Antoine Eotolp, Sieur de La Devese, sister therefore to the refugee 
pasteur, Abel, and sister also of Catherine Prat, for whose imprison- 
ment in 1687, at Bilbao, see the ' Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire 
du Protestantisme Fran^ais ' for October 1SS6, and whose husband, 
Peter Prat, is said to have succeeded in establishing himself as 
a physician in London, though still described as an officer, when, on 
August 18, 1689, he had a son, Abel, for whom his uncle, x\bel 
Ladeveze, was sponsor, baptized at ' Le Temple,' in Soho. 

(14) The Eev. Anthony de Ligonier de Bonneval was more than 
1 passing rich,' in that he enjoyed an army chaplain's pension in 
addition to his modest yearly stipend of 40Z. as minister of 
Portarlington. His will, proved in Dublin September 31, 1733. 
and in London, July 6, 1734, is to be found in the P.C.C. Eegister 
(161, Ockham). The will of his wife, who survived him twenty-five 
years, having been proved in Dublin in October, and in the P.C.C. 
in December, 1758, is registered in 355, Hutton. She was Judith 
Julia, child, by his third wife, Marie, daughter of David Brossard de 
Grosmenil, of Isaac Dumont de Bostaquet, who was interred at 
Portarlington, under the ministry of M. de Bonneval, his so to 
speak posthumous son-in-law, August 15, 1709, and widow of Guy 



pasteur a Sablairolles & a Camares, refugie en 
Angleterre, rninistre a Portarlington, ep. Judith- 
Julie de Bostaquet, dont : 

Anne-Marie, ep. 1737 Jacques-Louis de 
Vignolles ; 

2. Abel de L., 1649- . ., S r des Yignals, avocat, ep. 
Suzanne Eauly ; 
? 3. (15) Gabriel de L., S r des Vignals, mort a Dublin 
le 23 dec. 1709. 


III. Jacques de L., 1580-1638, secretaire du Eoi en la 
chancellerie de Montpellier, ep. 1616 Marie Fournes, 
dont : 

IV. Daniel de L., 1630- . ., S r du Buisson, ep. 16 . . 
Isabeau de Bayard de Ferrieres, dont : 1, Louis, qui 
suit ; 2, Cesar ; 3, 5 filles, entre autres Madeleine, qui 
ep. en 1705 Etienne Leonard. 

V. Louis de L., 1670-17 . S r du Buisson, ep. 17 . . 
Suzanne de Genas de Beauvoisin, 1695-1775 ; il se 
refugia a Geneve vers 1737. — II eut : 

Auguste de la Blachiere, Seigneur de Coutieres, who had died in 
Spain in 1707. From his will, which he made in April 1707, 
' devant partir pour un voyage dangereux,' and which was proved in 
Dublin in the following November, it appears from the partition of 
his property that he had four children, since his wife and they were 
to receive 1 chacun un cinquieme.' One of these, Jane Susanna 
Coutiers, was her mother's sole heir and executrix. The daughter 
of the de Bonneval marriage, Anne Marie (1716-1747), became on 
March 17, 1736-7, the first wife of James Louis Vignoles (1702- 
1779), whose second wife, Marianna, was her cousin- german, being 
daughter of M. Bonvillette, a merchant of Dublin, by Marie 
Madelaine, youngest daughter of Isaac Dumont de Bostaquet. As 
Mr. Lart] has recently told us (vide ante, pp. 258-9), on M. de 
Bonneval's death there were no less than six applicants for his 
French estate. The Sieur de St. Jean, the successful claimant, must 
have been either his first cousin, or first cousin once removed. Cf. C. 

(15) Interred in the St. Patrick's burial-ground, December 23, 
1709, MM. de Fontalba and CTamouse assisting. 



1. Pierre-Louis, 1711-1773, cap ne au reg 1 de 
Touraiue ; 

2. Louis-Gabriel, 1713- . ., cap ne , ep. Madeleine de 
Seguier ; 

3. (16) Marguerite qui ep. F s -L 5 de Pismes S r de S r 

(16) This lady, Marguerite Ligonier, was the last of the family 
to come to England. It seems permissible to identify her first 
husband, though the dates offer some difficulty, he having been her 
father's senior by some two years, with Francois Louis de Pesmes at- 
taint- Saphorin (1668-1737), a distinguished soldier and diplomat. 
As a soldier he had previously served both in Holland and Austria, 
but— to borrow the words of the ; Dictionnaire des Genevois et des 
Vaudois,' ii. 279-80 — ; en 1716 il entra, avec l'autorisation de 
l'empereur Charles VI, dans Tarmee britannique ou il recut le grade 
de lieutenant general. Le roi Georges I er l'appela aussitot aux 
fonctions de ministre d'Angleterre aupres du Corps helvetique, mais 
les Cantons Catholiques ne voulurent point le reconnaitre. Berne 
elle-meme, oubliant ses anciens services, ref usa de recevoir ses lettres 
de creance ''jugeant que le titre d'ambassadeur d'un monarque 
etranger, en Suisse, etait incompatible avec celui de sujet et vassal 
des seigneurs de Berne." La cour de Londres, qui faisait le plus 
grand cas de3 talents diplomatiques de Saint-Saphorin, le dedom- 
magea de cette humiliation en le nommant son ambassadeur a 
Vienne, 1718. II occupa ce poste pendant six ans, luttant toujours 
avec energie contre les pretentions de la France. Retire ensuite 
a Saint-Saphorin, dont il fit rebatir le chateau vers 172-5, il y 
mourut le 16 Juillet 1737.' It remains only to say that this chateau 
was on the lake of Geneva, near Morges. For the second husband, 
who was also a Swis3, a Balois, and had also risen to become a British 
ambassador, Sir Luke Schaub, see the ' D.N.B.' He was knighted 
in 1720, prior to being sent- to Paris, where he remained as 
ambassador till 1724. The marriage contract, dated April 25, 
1710, was k made subject to the laws of the Pais de Vaud.' In his 
retirement Sir Luke lived in Bond Street, having around him an 
admirable collection of pictures, which on hi3 death, which happened 
February 27, 1758, fetched what was then considered a large sum, 
7,781Z. Letters of administration were granted to his widow 
March 16, 1758. There were two daughters, of whom Frederick 
Augusta was m. in 1767 at Marylebone to William Lock, of Norbury 
Park, Mickleham. The other daughter, Amelia Henrietta, made a 
less satisfactory marriage (which took place at St. George's, Hanover 
Square, October 30, 1783) with an Edward Brereton, who was fifth 



Saphorin ; refugiee en Suisse. Elle se remaria 
avec le chevalier Shaub. 


III. Antoine de L., 1598-16 . . , secretaire du Hoi, con- 
troleur en la chancellerie de Montpellier, anobli en 
vertu de ses fonctions ; ep. 16 . . Marguerite dePortes 
16 . . -1684, dont : 

1. Daniel de L., S r de Pratviel, 1634-. ., ep. 16 . . 
Suzanne Alleruan, 1658 T 1740, dont : 

? Daniel de L., S r de Pratviel, 16 . . -1739, 
brigadier des armees du Eoi, ep. 1714 Marie 
d'Ausbourg de Labaume. 

2. Abel de L., S r de Puechnnre, 1639-1717, ep. 16 . . 
Marie d'Olier, dont : 

(a) Daniel de L., S r de Puechmire, cap ne dans 
le reg* de Lorraine, 1686-1775, ep. 1726 
Marie d' Alary de Tanus. 

(b) Louis S r de Puechmire, cap ne au reg r de 
Lorraine ; 

(c) Antoine, 1687-1767, S r de S'-Etienne, 
lieut* de Eoi de la ville de Pont-S c -Esprit, 
ep. Catherine d'Haynin ; 

3. Jacques qui suit. 

IV. Jacques de L. S r de S t -Jean, secretaire du Eoi, con- 
seiller en la chancellerie de Montpellier, ep. 1656 
Honoree de BoufTard-Madiane. 

son of William Brereton, of Carrigslaney, Co. Carlow, and" a Captain 
in the Eoyal Navy. The good old dame, who died at Hampton 
Court Palace, where for many years she had enjoyed apartments. 
August 25, 1793, in a codicil to her will (P.C.C. 477, Do&well), 
made shortly before her death, while expressing herself as endlessly 
indebted in every sense to Mr. Lock, feels it right that ' my daughter 
Mrs. Brereton should know that I have this long time forgive her 
the 111 Treatments that I have received from her and her husband. 7 
Her brother (we are not told which) had left her 20,000 French 
livres, then still in the hands of a negociant at Bordeaux. Her last 
words are to commend to Mrs. Lock's care her dog and cat. 



Y. Antoine de L., 1659- . ., S r de S fc -Jean, ep. Marie de 

VI. Antoine de L. S r de S^Jean et de la Balestrie, officier 
au reg* de Bresse, ep. 1737 Marie d'Olier, dont 
Jacques et 

VII. Antoine de L. ep. 1773 Marie de Correch de Bonne. 

In February 1788, it may be added, the 'Gentleman's 
Magazine ' records the death ' in her 100th year of Judith de 
Ligonier, born at Castres May 2, 1688, cousin-german to 
General Ligonier,' and adds ' there remain at Castres a 
nephew of the same General, and some grand-nephews of the 
eldest branch.' Mile. Judith does not come within the scope 
of M. Lescure's sketch, though it would seem from IV, Aa 
that she must have been a daughter of Abel, the refugee of 
1697. A somewhat mysterious Sarah Ligonier, not named 
in this sketch, was, judging from her reference to Ladeveze 
relations, sister to this Abel, and therefore aunt, though she 
fails to mention him, to Lord Ligonier. Her will of 1729-30 
(F.C.C., 166, Auber), which perhaps she should have made in 
the name of Grocock, shows her to have been of Exton, Co. 
Butland. She has more than one brother Grocock, and had 
had a husband who left 100/. to Botesford parish. To Lady 
Gainsborough and the Hon. James Noel she leaves 100/. 
apiece, to Lady Catherine Noel 10 guineas, to Lady Shaftes- 
bury 10 guineas and the Duke of Rutland's picture, &c„ &c. 

Note. — The photogravure herewith orfered to our readers is after 
the celebrated Sir Joshua of the National Gallery. If a splendid 
picture, this, however, can hardly be regarded as a veritable portrait. 
To the artist fell the difficult task of a ntedating the features by some 
twenty years, to make the sitter, already an octogenarian, in character 
with the background, representing the battle of Dettingen of 1743. 
Though painted in 1760, it was not paid for till 1764, and Sir 
Jcshua may probably have bestowed further labour on it in this 
interval. It came from the Royal Collection, which still boasts a 
fine bust of Lord Ligonier by Boubiliac, having been presented to 
the nation in 1836 by William IV. A replica is, or was, in the 
possession of the Duke of Sutherland. A sketch exhibited at the 
British Institution in 1861 is seemingly a study for this picture. 
A three-quarter length portrait had previously been exhibited in 
1846. Yet another portrait, as the writer is informed by Mr. Kershaw, 
is to be found in the Maidstone Museum. 



Cljc IBortfjtejg associated in tfjc 
original 2£Dmhu£tration of tljc 23oi$Iin ZtiiBL 


Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac de Berenger, Sieur de Boislin, 
made his will, under which the Boislin Trust (now adminis- 
tered by the Directors of the French Hospital) was created, 
at Bruges, on April 26, 1708, having ' put his moneys in 
England,' where his sister had found refuge, and appointing 
for executors MM. Le Coq and St. Leger. On his death in the 
following year, the executors renouncing, administration with 
the will annexed was granted to his nearest relative, Elizabeth 
de Berenger (P.C.C. 279, Lane). On her death, after an 
interval of some forty-three years, administration de bonis non 
was granted to £ (1) the Reverend James Theodore Muysson, 
clerk, (2) Charles de Sailly, gentleman, and (3) Joseph Guinand, 
merchant, the Syndics or Attorneys of (4) David de Saint- 
ippolite, (5) John Blagny, (6) Peter Soulegre, (7) Stephen David 
Bavaud and (8) Claud Desmaretz, Esquires ; (9) Matthew 
Maty, doctor in physic ; (10) Stephen Dupont, (11) Stephen 
Goujon, (12) David Hubert, and (13) Lewis Planck, gentle- 
men (among others), Commissioners or Distributors of the 
Boyal Bounty and Charity,' &e. We are here introduced to 
a group of no less than thirteen, or counting the executors 
proposed by the testator fifteen, persons, and an attempt, how- 
ever humble and incomplete, at their identification may pos- 
sess some interest. 

The executors, whom the testator had in view, were cousins, 
both living in refuge in St. James's, Westminster, and probably 
both were among the leading figures — certainly Francis 
La Coq de Germain was so — in the French Colony. We have 
a glimpse of Francis in 1689, when Evelyn writes in his 



diary on October 2 : ' Came to visit us the Marquis de Ruvigny, 
and one Monsieur Le Coq, a French refugee who left great 
riches for his religion, a very learned civil person ; he married 
the sister of the Duehesse de la Force.' Francis, who had 
possessed an estate near Blois, was one of the children of 
Aymar le Coq, Sieur de Germain, by Marguerite, daughter of 
Jacques Colla de la Madeleine, and d. s.p., though he had 
married in 1672 Marie, fifth child of Jean de Beringhen, and 
sister, as Evelyn observes, of Susanne de Beringhen, Duehesse 
de la Force. The will of that grande cZa we, who died at her 
house in St. James's Place in May, 1731, has been printed 
in extenso by Mr. Agnew in his ' French Protestant Exiles.' 
Her executors were the Rev. Philip Menard, who himself died 
six years later, and John deRemy de Montigny, who survived 
only two years. Philip Menard's name heads the list of the 
original Directors of the hospital. He was also its chaplain 
and secretary. And one can imagine it as almost as much 
indebted to him in its infancy as it was in its maturer days 
to its lately-lost Deputy- Governor. Theodore Le Coq de 
St. Leger (1635-1712), one of the sons of Aymar's elder 
brother, Francois Le Coq, Sieur des Moulins, Jousserans, and 
St. Leger, ranked as a confessor for the faith, having been 
imprisoned in 1685-6, and finally expelled, being ' un esprit 
vif et fier,' and ' fort opiniatre ' in 1687. He married 
Madeleine (1646-1718), daughter of Henri Muysson, Sieur 
de Toillon, and had (a) a son Henry de St. Leger (who appears 
to have dropped his patronymic of Le Coq), who acquired a 
property at Trunkwell, in Berkshire, and left a family by his 
marriage in 1703, with Jane Emilia, daughter of Sir John 
Chardin, 1 and (b) a daughter, who in 1698 became the wife of 
her cousin, Philippe Muysson, of the Hague, and consequently 
mother of the Rev. James Theodore Muysson. 

(1) James Theodore Muysson (1700-71), born at The Hague, 
-and educated at Leyden University, became successively Minister in 
St. Martin's Lane and at the French Chapel Royal. He had 
married at The Hague, in 1731, his cousin-german, Marie Louise, 

1 The eminent traveller, who, as his-monumental inscription in Westminster 
Abbey has it, 1 nomen sibi fecit eundo.' 



daughter of Jean Francois Morin, Sieur de Scudat. His wife and 
he died in London, it is said, within an hour of each other, on 
April 24, 1771. Philip Muysson (1733-84), our Director of 1774, 
was their son. 

(2) Charles [Perrault] de Sailly, our Director of 1740, son of 
Charles Perrault de Sailly and Jeanne de la Corne, was probably 
born at Cassel, in Germany, where his parents had settled. He 
died in the parish of St. Martin's-in-Fields, September 4, 1767, aged 
about 80. His uncle Isaac came to England and served as Captain 
in Miremont's regiment, but returned to France, and abjured at 
Dijon in 1695. Presumably the Charles de Sailly concerned in the 
disastrous exportation in 1700-1 of no less than four shiploads of 
Eefugees to Virginia was he of Cassel. 

(3) Joseph Guinand (f 1764) was a London merchant, from 
Neuchatel, with his country house at Walthamstow. He was 
brother to [John] Henry Guinand, our Director of 1721, who became 
Deputy-Governor in 1739, and uncle to the Henry Guinand of 1756. 

(4) David de Montolieu de Saint-Hippolyte, who was a Baron 
of the Holy Roman Empire, rose to be a general in the British 
service. He was one of the sons of Pierre de Montolieu, Seigneur 
de Saint-Hippolyte, St.-Croix, and St.-Jean-de-Ceirargues, by his 
marriage in 1760 with Jeanne, daughter of Nicholas de Froment. 
Of his brothers, one ended his days at Vevey, another at Geneva, 
and two appear to have been in the Prussian service. When 
he made his will in 1744 he was residing in Albemarle Street. 
By his marriage in 1714 with Marie, daughter, by Alix Baudouirj, 
of Anthony Molinier, late of Nismes, he was father of Louis 
Charles Montolieu de Saint-Hippolyte (1719-1776), who joined 
our Directorate in 1759, as also of a daughter, Elizabeth, who 
in 1746 married the Hon. and Rev. Dr. Gideon Murray, and 
became the mother of the 7th Baron Elibank. Madame de Saint- 
Hippolyte's brother, James Molinier (1679-1755), cur Director of 
1721, lived at Putney, where his house is still, or was till recently, 
known as Molinier House. The Charles Molinier, who succeeded 
him on the Directorate in 1756, was his younger brother, who was 
born at Groningen, was naturalised in 1707, and also resided at 
Putney, where he died in 1776, unmarried. James Molinier, by his 
marriage in 1712 with Elizabeth, daughter of Charles Fayolle 
(1663-1733), a refugee from Nismes who had settled at Geneva, 
had two sons, Charles and James, who died young, but Gabrielle, 
his daughter and heir by survivorship, became in 1751 the first wife 
of Sir Richard Adams (whose second wife, Mary Amyand, was also 
of Refugee origin), and the mother of James and Charles Adams, 



both of them members of the House of Commons. The Moliniers 
were nephews to James Baudouin (1619-1739), our. first Deputy- 
Governor, named in the Charter of 1718, who, in his interesting 
will, made in July 1783, 'about the end of the fourscore and fifth 
year of my age,' left a legacy of 5001. to the French Hospital on the 
condition that ' the Gentlemen who are the Directors shall grant 
the right to my heiress [Mrs. James Molinier] and successors of 
putting in two poor persons to be maintained at the expense of the 

(5) John Robert de Bechevel de la Motte Blagny (1698-1788) 
was elected a Director of the French Hospital in 1732, and became 
its Governor at the record age of 8-5. He died in his ninety-third 
year, s.p., having married in Spring Gardens, in February 1723-4, 
Susanna Judith, the third of the four daughters of Louis Petit des 
Etans, a Eefugee from the neighbourhood of Caen, and of a family 
which, between 1773 and 1858, gave the Hospital no less than five 
Directors. His father, Philip Jacob de Bechevel, Sieur de la Motte 
Blagny, had married, at St. Mary Magdalen's, Fish Street, in 1687, 
Marie de There de Fierville, and at his baptism at le Temple de' Soho, 
in 1696, Madame Le Coq, a lady already referred to, appears as his 
godmother. In 1718 M. Blagny pere became one of our thirty-seven 
original Directors, but between 1719 and 1726, when he returned to 
England for good, he is found to have been in France (see the 
'Archives de Calvados,' Serie C, Nos. 1516 and 1641). At this 
period, during which he seems to have resided at St. Lo, he sold 
property, part of which had come to him through his mother, 
Jacqueline de Meillant, who had died in 1709. 

(6) Peter Soulegre was a cousin of Peter Cabibel 1 (an original 
Director of 1718, Deputy-Governor during 1720-39, and Governor 
from 1739 till his death in 1745), and one of his executors. Peter 
Cabibel, later established as a silk merchant in Walbrook, hailed 
from Mazamet, in Languedoc, and this was probably also the 
lieu de provenance of Peter Soulegre. A Report from Mazaniet in 
the dark days of the Dragonnades from the Grand Vicaire tells us 
of a ' Soulegre, marchand, qu'on n'a pu reduire jusqu'a present, 
fort petulant, chef de parti, ayant eu de tres mauvaises raisons au 
grand Vicaire, ses femmes et ses enfants s'estant ecartes quand il 
fut chez lui, faisant travailler beaucoup de facturiers et gens .... 
qu'il tient attaches a sa religion p.t.' It is doubtful whether the hero 

1 There seems to be good reason to think that Peter Cabibel 4 of ours r 
must have been the father of the Anne Rose Cabibel. who became the wife of 
Jean Calas, broken on the wheel at Toulouse, in 1762. This is a point still 
somewhat in question which well deserves to be cleared up. 



of our tale may be identified with this ' chef de parii,' but he offers 
at least another notable instance of the Huguenot power of resistance 
to time as well as to tyranny. He is believed to have been born 
on December 22, 3 662, and to have been therefore in his 98th year 
when he died in March 1760, in Dean Street, Soho. In Musgrave's 
1 Obituary ' he is styled Colonel Soulegre, and he would seem in 
earlier life to have served in Schomberg's, afterwards Ruvigny's, 
Horse, which would account for his not having become a Director 
till 1733. We find him in later life a prosperous West Indian 
merchant, with property in Antigua. By his marriage in 1G99 with 
Marie Brozet, he had, besides children who died young, two daughters, 
of whom the elder, Catherine, became the wife of Sir Stephen 
Theodore Janssen, M.P. for the City of London, the fourth and last 
baronet, and must consequently in 1754 have played the part of 
Lady Mayoress. She died in 1757, twenty years before her husband, 
who became a Director only in 1769. The Janssens were a double- 
distilled refugee family, having first fled into, and then fled out of, 
France, Sir Stephen being great-grandson of Theodore Janssen de 
Heez, who, when seeking refuge from the Duke of Alva's persecu- 
tion, had settled in Angoulesme. The Refugee from Angoulesme, 
Theodore Janssen, naturalised on July 2, 1685, had a baronetcy 
conferred on him in 1715 for his services in relation to the com- 
merce with France, and in the same year was elected M.P. for 
Yarmouth, I.W. His later career was less happy. He became a 
Director of the South Sea Company, and was overwhelmed in the 
catastrophe that followed. His two elder sons, Abraham and Henry, 
who succeeded in turn to the title, died in Paris in 1765 and 1766. 

Colonel Soulegre's younger daughter, Cornelia, who had become 
the wife of Matthew Mills, had also predeceased him, and he desires 
his three orphaned grandchildren, Peter Andrew, Mary, and Lucretia 
Mills, who receive each a legacy of 12,000/., to be committed to the 
care of his wife's niece, Catherine Durban. 

(7) Stephen David Eavaud was one of the children of Mark 
Anthony Ravaud, a native of Lyons, settled at Hammersmith, by 
his marriage at Hungerford French Chapel in 1707 with Susanne, 
daughter of Isaac de Monceau, Sieur de la Meloniere. He joined 
the Directorate in 1747, in which year he also became a Fellow of 
the Royal Society. He lived and died in Marylebone. His will of 
1768 was proved in 1776 by an unmarried sister, Mary Margaret, 
who lived at Bath, and whose own will was proved in 1801. The 
Ravauds ' called cousins ' with Langlois and Lefroy. 

(8) Claude Crottier Desmaretz, who became a Director of * La 
Providence ' in 1732, and its Deputy-Governor from 1759 to his 




death on January 2, 1763, was a Blackwall Hall factor. He was 
son of Pierre Grottier Desmaretz and Gillette Aubert, who settled in 
refuge at Amsterdam, where in 1693 they cod jointly made their 
will proved by Claude in the P.C.C. in respect of his father in 1709, 
and in respect of his mother in 1739. Claude Desmaretz had three 
sisters, one of whom. Jeanne, in 1715, married Paul Maty, some- 
while Pasteur of Montfort (who died at the British Museum in 
1773, a nonagenarian), and became the mother of 

(9) Matthew Maty, M.D. (of Leyden), F.B.S., &c. Born at 
Montfort in 1718, he came to England in 1740, became a Fellow of 
the Royal Society in 1758, and its Secretary in 1765. Four years 
before his death, which occurred on August 2, 1776, he had risen 
to be Principal Librarian of the British Museum. He left a family 
by his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Louis Chevalleau, Sieur de 
Boisragon, through whom he became connected with the Layards. 
His second wife, who survived him, was Marie Doion de Ners. 

(10, 11, 12) Stephen Dupont, Stephen Goujon, and David 
Hubert remain so far all three unknown quantities. Presumably 
the first-named was the Stephen Dupont, of the parish of St. Anne's, 
Westminster, who died intestate in or about 1786, the administra- 
tion of his estate having been granted in that year on March 16 to 
Catharine Dupont, the relict. And the second we take to have been 
the Stephen Goujon. who died intestate in or about 1791, described 
in the letter of administration granted to his son, Samuel Goujon, 
on July 1, 1791, as of the parish of St. George the Martyr, bin; 
latterly of St. Anne's, Westminster. 

And, lastly (13), Lewis Planck, who died at Bath in 1760, was, 
as we know from his will, dated in the year of his death, a sugar- 
refiner in the parish of S. Martin's-in-the-Fields, and uncle to Peter 
and Anthony Planck, who came on the Directorate in 1766. Both 
these brothers left families. Peter Planck, who died in 1771, carried 
on a sugar-refiner's business in Long Acre. As in his will he men- 
tions the Rev, Peter Debary, Vicar of Husborne Tarrant, Hants, as 
his cousin.whowas under certain contingencies to become his executor, 
we may perhaps assume that he was one of the children of Anthony 
Planck, who in 1706 married, in the Swallow Street Church, Marie 
Debary, given in the Register entry as Du Barry. Anthony Planck, 
who died in 1782, is described as of Serjeants' Inn, Fleet Street. 
The aforenamed Peter Debary, who also appears as Vicar of "Burbage, 
Wilts., affords another instance of Huguenot longevity, dying, as he 
did, on January 4, 1814, at the age of 90. 




The Fourdrinier family and Cardinal Newman (see ante, 
p. 291). — Mr. Kershaw is not content with possibly robbing Peter 
to pay Paul, but cruelly seeks to extinguish him altogether. 
May I be allowed to try to come briefly to poor Peter's 
rescue? At least there was a Peter Fourdrinier of this family. 
He was expelled from France c. 1688. and settled at Amster- 
dam, where in 1689 he married Marthe Theronde. This, as 
regards locality, fits in exactly with what we are told by Vertue 
(his contemporary) who says : ' Mr. Fourdrinier engraver 
learnt of Mons r Picart at Amsterdam, was engaged to him 
for 6 years, he came over to England in 1720. A Judith 
Theronde was one of the wedding-party when Paul Four- 
drinier and Susanne Grolleau were married at St. Martin 
Orgar's in 1721, and she reappears as a Godmother, when in 
January 1723-4 Paul fils was baptised at Les Grecs. Un- 
fortunately for our inquiry the engraver was wont to sign 
his prints with only the initial P., which is open to either 
interpretation. And Paul Fourdrinier left no will, so pos- 
sible wisdom is at that ' one entrance quite shut out.' In 
the administration granted February 18, 1758, he is, though 
buried at Wandsworth, described as of the Parish of St. 
Martin's-in-the-Fields, and later of St. George's, Hanover 

In 1730 ' three loyal Frenchmen,' MM. J. Faget, F. Du- 
mouchel, and P. Fourdrinier, appear as the authors of a large 
satirical broadside representing ' The Glory of Sir Eobert 
Walpole.' — {Communicated by Henry Wagner, F.S.A.) 

The Chenevix family (see ante, p. 364). — The Chenevix 
household at Eeinsberg numbered no fewer than twenty-five 
persons. They appear in a List of the Bef ugees bearing date 
of December 31, 1699, as ' M r . Benjamin Le Chenevix, Escuyer 
Seigneur de Eeinsberg et de Beville, &c. Con" 1 " de Cour de 
S.A.E., La Dame f -, sept enfans, son frere. deux soeurs et treize 
Domestiques.' — (Communicated by Henry Wagner, F.S.A.) 



Pedigree of La Chevallerie (see vol. v. p. 428). — Recent re- 
searches among the families of Vitre afford data for the following 
corrections in the pedigree of Chevallerie, or La Chevallerie, a family 
of Vitre, in Brittany, which descends from Georges Chevallerie, s r 
de l'Espine, ennobled in 15-17, who married Jeanne (not Anne) 
Lemoyne of that town. 

The statement that the family originally came from Poitou 
probably was based on the fact that a considerable number of 
Poitevin families — the families of Aymer, Brossard, La Celle, Guyon, 
Roze, du Pay, Voyer d'Argenson and others — possessed fiefs of that 
name — i.e. 'the stables,' similar to 'La Grange,' etc., and other 
small fiefs which made up a seigneurie. The Vitre family, however, 
were called 4 Chevallerie' as a surname-prior to their being ennobled. 

Rene Chevallerie, s r de l'Espine, married Guillemette (not 
Nanette) de la Massonais, a merchant family at Vitre, allied to the 
families of Ravenel, Lemoyne, and de Gennes. In the diary of 
Jehan de Gennes the following entry occurs in 15G0 : — 

'le dimanche 16 e d'Octobre, trepassa Gilles de la Massonaye, 
riche marchant a Vitre, par les Huguenots enterre au cimetiere de 
Sainct-Martin, contre l'intention du diet deffunct. Ce Gilles de la 
Massonais etait beaupere de Rene Chevallerie, et pere de Bodinais 
(de la Massonais) tous deux ardents protestants.' 

According to the published tabular pedigree, his son Michel, 
sieur de la Touschardiere, succeeds. Rene Chevallerie, however, 
had only two sons, Jean and Georges. Michel, sieur de la Touschar- 
diere et de l'Espronniere, husband of Olympe Crespin, was the son 
of Jean Chevallerie, s r de la Touschardiere et du Plessis-sur-Perouse, 
by his wife Marguerite Ravenel, and was born in 1584. 

The pedigree assigns Jacques Chevallerie, husband of Susanna 
d'Andigny, as fourth in the descent from Georges Chevallerie : but 
Susanne d'Andigny, a daughter of Samuel d'Andigny, or d'Andigne, 
s r de la Gautrais, and of his wife Jeanne d'Argentre, born Novem- 
ber 13, 1605, married Rene Chevallerie, s r de la Touschardiere et de 
l'Espronniere, April 17, 1625 ; they left two daughters, Suzanne 
and Marie. 

The Chevallerie family of Vitre proved their four generations of 
nobility in 1669, and were maintained. Previous to their being 
ennobled in 1547 they are said to have come from Anjou. — 'Com- 
municated by CJuis. E. Lart.) 


Mallortie. — Information is sought touching the Normandy 
name of Mallortie, or Malortie, particularly in regard to 
(1) the parentage of Isaac Mallortie, a Lisbon Merchant, who 
was the father of two daughters, of whom in 1775 Lydia 
Henrietta became the wife of Mr. Henry Hoare, of Mitcham 
(see ' Landed Gentry'), and (2) the antecedents of the General 
de Malortie de Yillars, who was one of the ' Chevaliers 
d'Honneur ' and Gentlemen of the Court of the Duchess 
Eleonore (d'Olbreuse) of Zell, and the intervening ancestry of 
his interesting descendant, the Hanoverian Baron Ernest 
Charles von Malortie de Yillars, of whom an obituary notice 
appeared in the ' Morning Post ' of October 14, 1887. 

Among the Eouen refugees at the dispersion we find, 
besides an Adam Malhortie, formerly of the Rue des Charettes, 
who with his wife had tied to Holland, an Ester Fourgon, 
veuve de Jacques Malhortie, and there fan be little doubt that 
in her we have the mother of James Mallortie, who was 
described, when, having become a London merchant, he was 
naturalised in 1699, as born at Eouen, son of James and 
Esther. He, by his marriage in 1702 with Eachel Perdrian, 
had several children, and Isaac may well have been one of 
them, but proof is wanting. Peter Mallortie, educated at 
Westminster, and Trinity College, Cambridge, who took his 
B.A. in 1726, certainly was one. James survived two wives. 
He had married secondly in 1726 at St. Benet's, Paul'3 
Wharf, Elizabeth Eeynes, widow, and he administered to her 
estate in 1732, as he did in 1736 to that of a son, David, 
commander of the ' Susanna Snow.' 

The name is found at Southampton at an early date. 
Guillaume Malortie, also a native of Eouen, a gardener, and 
till 1594 a bachelor, makes a first appearance in the Maison 


Dieu register in 1580. Some 190 years later, when he was 
sponsor for the child of a medical man, Samuel Jay, Isaac 
figures in the same register. H. W. 

Croppenbergh or Cpppenburgh. — I should be glad of any 
information as to who was the husband of a Mary Croppen- 
bergh. In her will dated July 20, 1652 (proved 165*2), she 
describes herself as a widow, and mentions her son-in-law 
Joseph Alston, Baronet, husband of her daughter Mary, her 
brother John Yermuden, her daughter Ann, wife of George 
Sherard (married July 31, 1651, at St. James's Church, 
Clerkenwell, London), and her grandson William Sherard. 

She also mentions Thomas Bucke of the University of 

A Robert Bucke, of London, in his will (proved 1620), 
mentions his wife's sister's daughter Mary Croppenbery {sic), 
wife of Joseph Croppenberry (sic), and Thomas Bucke, 
youngest son of his cousin Thomas Bucke of Bullington 
Hall, now scholar at Caius College, Cambridge. 

Peirce Gun Mahony, 

Cork Herald. 

Office of Arms, . 
Dublin Castle, 


Was it perhaps Joas Croppenburgh, the skilled Dutch 
engineer, who was to receive one third of Canvey Island in 
fee simple, in consideration of his securing it from the over- 
flowing of the tides of the river Thames ? The will (if it 
exists) of Sir Cornelius Vermuyden might give information. 
It is true the ' London Visitation ' of 1633 gives the names of 
Sir Cornelius's daughters as Sarah, Katharine, and Adriana, 
and there is no Mary to meet the situation. But Joas, who 
was hi3 contemporary and fellow-worker, might well have 
been, if not son-in-law, a brother-in-law. H. W. 



This Index has been prepared in accordance with the rules laid down by the 
Congress of Archaeological Societies in union with the Society of Antiquaries. 
The titles of Articles are printed in Italics. 

Abauzit, Marc Theophile Couton, 21 

33, 47 
Abbadie, Jacques, 20 

— Dean of Killaloe, 100, 120, 121 
Abram, Louise, 218 

Acadians in N. America, 172, 173 
Adams, Charles, 387 

— Gabrielle, 387 

— James, 387 

— Mary, 387 

— Sir Kichard, 387 
Adee, Sophie Louise, 119 
Agassiz, R., 24 

Agen, 253, 256 

— Bishop of, 256 

Agneau, Fr. Larroque D\ 33, 36, 38 
Aguliers, Monsieur Des, 56 

— Jean des, 34 
Ahier, Mr., 21 
Aiguefonde, 104 
Aiguillon, the Duchess d', 351 
Alary de Tanus, Marie d', 383 
Alavoine, Daniel, 340 ped., 344 

— Judith, 344 

— Madeleine, 345 

— Marie, 344, 345 
Albiac, Miss d\ elected, 223 

Alche des Planels, Judith d', 256 note 

Alcock, Dean, 127 

Algiers, bombardment of, 175 

Aliens Bill, 1816. 334, 337 

Aliez, Zacharie, 82 

Alleman, Suzanne, 383 

Allen, Caroline Jane, 340 ped. 

— Lancelot Baugh, 340 ped. 

— William, 209 
Allix, Peter, 33, 38 

— Treasurer of Salisbury, 32, 34 
Alsop, Thomas, 209 

Alston, Sir Joseph, 394 

— Mary, 394 

Ambassador, English, in Paris, 71 

— French, in London. See Barillon 

I Ambert, paper manufacture in, 200. 
201, 204 

Ambesiaux, Ambesieux, — D', 33, 55 

America. 46 

Amiens, 86 

Ammonet, — , 85 

Amprou, Henri, 22 

Amsterdam, 137, 390, 391 

— paper manufacture in, 201 
Amyand, Anna Maria, 310 ped. 

— Sir George, M0 ped. 

— Mary, 387 

Anderson, Mrs., her death, 231 
Andigny (Andigne), Samuel d', 392 

— Susanne d', 392 
Andrewes, Rev. Gerard, 269, 271 
Angers, Chateau d', 85 
Angerstein collection of pictures, 160 
Angle, de 1', de Langle, Mme., 75, 82 

— Jean Maximilien, 20 
Angouleme, 389 

— paper manufacture in, 201, 204 
Angoumois, paper manufacture in, 

200, 201 
Anjou, 392 

Aune of Austria, enamel portrait of, 

Anquetil, 279 

Antigua, 389 
: — St. Mary's, 344 
I Antrim, Samuel, 209 
1 Apprenticing of children of refugees. 

125, 281, 282 
J Apsley House, Spanish pictures at, 162 
! Arabin, John, 375 note 

Ardres, 241, 244, 247 

Ardsallagh, 129 
j Argentre, Jeanne d', 392 
i Argenteuil, Charles Chariot D', 24, 26, 

Arklow, 99, 111 
] Arlaud family348 . 
Arlington, Lady, 75 




Armagh, Dean of, 130 
Arnaud, Pasteur E., his death, 148 
Arnoult, — , 51 
Arran, Countess of, 96 
Arundel, 333, dlOped. 
Ashe, St. George, Bishop of Clogher, 

Ashtown, Lord. See Trench 

Aspjis, Captain de 1', 109, 1*20 

Asselin, Jacob. 32, 34, 35, 33, 340 peel. 

Astre, de 1'. See L'Oste 

Athlumney, 129 

Auberoche, — D\ 48 

Aubert, Gillette, 390 

Aubigne, — d', 278 

Aubigny, Henri D', 48 

Audinet, Samuel, 21 

Aufrere, — , 85 

— Israel Anthoine, 20, 47 
Aughrim, battle of, 359 
Aulnoy, — d', 84 

Ausbourg de Labaurae, Marie d', 383 
Aussillon, 104 
Ausson, — , 83 
Austerlitz, battle of, 325 
Auvergne, paper manufacture in, 200 
Auzillon, — , police-sergeant, 63, 71, 72 
Avaux, Comte d\ 102, 201, 206 
Aymer family, 392 

Babauxt, Isaac, 45, 50-53, 56. Cp. 

Baby, M., 134 

Bacon, Francis, Master of Chancery, 

Bacquencourt, — de, 134. And see 

Badland, Henry, 209 
Baele, — , 28 

Bagnet, Francoise, 348 ped. 
Bagnol (Bagniolle), Catherine, 340 and 

— Jean, 341 

— Michel, 340 
Bailly, Mr. le, 228, 300 

Baily, Edward Hodges, B.A., 161. Cp. 

Baird, Bev. Henry Martyn, his death, 
227, 230 

Baissade de Massas, Etienne la, 92 

— Rachel la, 92 

Balaguier, Barthelemy, 104, 108, 110 

— Jean Antoine, 105 

— Marie, 105 

— Pauline, 105 
Balet, — , 83 

Balguerie de Chautard, Jean Baptiste. 

See Chautard 
Ballange, Elizabeth, 137 
Balneth, manor of, 266, 267 

Banks, Sir Joseph, 320 
Bantry, action against the French a: 

Baptist Church, French. See unde 

Barbauld, Ezcchias, 24, 26, 30 

— Pierre, 26, 30 

— T. L., 47. Cp. Babault 
j Barbe, Charles. 45 

i Barbier, Denis le, 58 

i — Gabriel, minister in Dublin, 111 

114, 115. 113, 119 
j — Louise, 116 
i Bardon, — , 42 
| Bardou. — , 82 
j Barete, — , 28 

I Barhay, Jacques Tapin de, 57 
; Barillon (Barrillon), M., French Am 
bassador in London, 72, 207. 203 
i Barlow, Arthur Thomas Pratt, 340 o, d 
! — Gwendoline Powys, 340 ped. 
; Barnel, — , 53 

; Barnouin, Jacques Francois, 26, 30 

| Barran, Elie, 380 

i Barrel, Colonel, 105 

: Barrillon. See Barillon 

j Barrington, Sir Jonah, 301-364 

Bartholomew, — , buccaneer, 171 

Bas, M. le, 126 

— Cecil H. A. le, elected, 145 
Basset, Bartholomie, 44. 45 
Bastille, the. See Paris 
Bastard, — le, the daughters of. 257 
Bataillere, Besse", 84 

Bath, 389, 390 

Battu, M., 153 

Baudouin, Alix, 387 
' — James, 388 
! Baudry, Susanne, 377 note 
j Bayard de Ferrieres, Isabeau de. 381 
j Bayley, William, 217. Cp. Baily 

Bazin, Angelique Louise, 348 ped. 
J — Anne Helene, 348 ped. 
I — Anne Madelaine, 348 ped. 
J — Antoinette, 348 ped. 
■ — Charles Auguste, 31$ ped. 
\ — Elizabeth Angelique, 348 ped. 
' — Isaac, 343 peel. 

— de Duillier, Jacques Charles. 34 

j V ed - « 

I — Jean. 343 jx'd. 

! — Jean Auguste, 348 ped. 

— John Isaac. 348 ped. 

— Marie Louise, 34$ ped. 
Bearn, 82 

Beaufort, Darnel de, 21, 26, 30 

— Daniel Augustus, 129 
I — Daniel Cornelius. 129 
I — Francois de, 129 

j — Louisa de, 129 



Beaumont, Essex, 112 
Beaumont, — de, S6 
Beaupin, Francois le, 23, 53 
Beanvais cathedral. 250 
Beauvilliers, Duchess of. 60 
Beauvoir du Roure, Marthe, 379 note 
Beauvoisin, Genas de. See Gtmas 
Bechevel, Philip Jacob de, 388. And 

see Blagny 
Beck. — , 86 
Bedat. M. du. 137 

Bedford, Dake of, 325 note. And see 

Beernan G. B., Xotes on the Sites and 
History of the French Churches 
in London, by, 13 

Belcastle, — , his French regiment, 192 

Belhomme. — , 84 

BellangeF, — la, 82 

Belleroch^, Edouard. his death, 303 

Beloc, Antonia, VIS 

— Captain Isaac, 128 

Bennett, William, Bishop of Clovne, 

271, 273 
Bencist, Jacques. 340 ped., 344 

— Margaret, 340 fed., 344 
Bentham. Jeremy, 317, 321. 331, 333- 


Berchet, Veuve, 84 
Bere. Sieur de. See Lart 
Berenger, Elizabeth de, 385 

— Lt.-Col. Isaac de, Sieur de Boislin, 


Berenghen, — de, 85 
Bersrerac, 107 

— Temple at, 82 

Berlin, paper manufacture in. 201 
Bernard, — , 35 

— Jean Pierre, 3G, 38, 55 
Bernatre. Susanne de, 343 pel. 
Berreau, — , 209 

Berri, Due de, enamel portrait of, 351 
Bertheau, Charles, 342 

— Rene. 341, 342 
Bertrand, — , 83 

— William Wickham, elected. 144 
Be3haferde Champagne, Marianne, 135 
Besmans, M. de Montlezun de, 

Governor of the Bastille. 03. 09, 

70, 71. 72. 74, S4 
Besnard, Pierre, 377 note 
Besnardon, Marguerite. 123 
Besse, M. de, 74 ; his wife. 74 
Bessonet, Francois, 120, 131-133, 


— Francois Charles Joseph, 133 

— Jacques Henri Etienne, 138 
Bethell, Slingsby, 209 
Beazevilie, Samuel, 24 

Beze, de, his version of the Psalms, 97 

j Bibliography. Huguenot. 273, 279 
I Bicetre, 322* 
j Bickers, — , 318,' 319 
; Bigham family, 312 note 

Biimours manor, Dartford, 181,132, 195 
Bilbao. 330 note 
I Billouard, — . 35 
i Bion, Jean. 54, 57 

| Birdwood, Dr. Herbert Mills, his 

death, 230 
'■ Blachiere. Guv Aucruste de la, 330 note. 

331 note " 
j Black well. William, 211 
! Bladen. Nathaniel, papermaker, 190. 

203, 205. 210 
i Blagny, John Robert de Bechevel de la 
Motte, 335, 333. And see Bechevel 
; Blanc, Monsieur, 42, 43 
; — Albert le. 30, 38 
I — Antoine le, 41 
! — Jean, 20. 30 
' — T., 82 
Blayney, Lord, 113 
Blenheim, battle of, 365 
; Blessington, Lord, 111 
. Blosset. Jeanne Sus. de, 343 ped. 

— Julia, 123 

— de LiOche, Salomon de, 103 
1 Bobinet, Pere, Jesuit, 82 
! Boddens, Jean, 30, 33 
: Boham, de Susy. 33. Cp. Susy. 

Boan de 

; Boibelleau de la Chapelle. See Chapelle 
! Boileau, — , 292 
; — Captain Francis, 378 note 
\ — Jacques, 373 note 
i — de Castelnau, Louise, 373 and note 
\ — — Marguerite. 123 
, Boindre, Francois le. 253 
I Bois, Anne du, 257 
i — de Ferrieres, Baron du, his death, 

| Boislin, Sieur de. See Berenger 
| Boislin Trust, Hie Worthies associated 
with the original administration 
of the. by Henry Wagner, 335-390 
Boitoult. Catherine,- 342 
Bolander. Gerda, 340 ped. 

— Gustaf Theodor, 340 ped. 
Bonaparte. See Buonaparte and 

Boncceur. de, — , 85 
Bonneval, M. de, 380 note. 381 note. 

And see Ligonier 
Bonvillette, M., 381 note 

— Marianna, 381 note 
Bordeaux, 253 

— capture of, 174 

— customs accounts, paper used for 

E E 2 



Bordeaux, paper from, 178, 179 
Bordes, le Pere, 75 
Bordier family, 348 

— Anne, 348 ped. 

— Etienne, 348 -ped. 

— Isaac, 348 ped. 

— Jacques, 348 ped., 350, 351 

— Jacques, character of bis enamel 

work, 354 

— Jean Baptiste, 348 ped. 

— Madeleine, 348 ped. 

— Marie, 348 ped. • 

— Pierre, 349, 350 
Borough, Sir Edward, 344 
Bosanquet, Admiral Sir Day H., 

elected, 225 
Bosc de la Calmette, Mme. Antoinette, 
348 ped. 

— Jean Louis, 348 ped. 
Bosc, Petit. See Petit. 
Bossatran, Pierre, 57 
Bossuet, — , 03 

— and Petitot, 352 

— the eagle of Meaux, 75 

— Bishop of Meaux. 79 
Bostaquet, Judith Julie de, 380 note, 


— Dumont de. See Dumont 
Botesford, 384 

Bouchet, — de, 39 
Bouchetiere, Colonel, 122 

— Janure de la. See Janure 
Bouet, — de, 85 

BouiTard, Paul, Comte, 379 note 

— Madiane, Honoree de, 383 
Bouhereau family, the, 344 

— Elie, 116, 118 

— Marguerite, 116 
Bouillier, David Rene, 21, 27, 30 
Boujonnier, Fille, 82 

— Mere, 82 

— Guillaume, 82 

— Jean, 82 
_ Pierre, 82 

Boulier, David Renaud. 20, 36, 33 
Boulogne-sur-Mer, 238-248 passim 

— Napoleon's camp at, 325 
Bouquet, St. Paul, 57. Cp. St. Paul 
Bourdaloue, 256 

Bourdiers, Claude, papermaker, 203 
Bourdieu, M. du (Dubourdieu), 340, 

— Anne du, 342 

— Elizabeth du, 342 

— Isaac du, 340, 341 

— John du, 341, 342 

— Peter du, 342. Cp. Dubourdieu 
Bourdilion, — , 16 

— Jacob, 26, 27, 30, 56 
Bourepaus, Marquis de, 206, 207 

I Bourgay, Colonel da, 105 

J Bourget, Anne, 257 

| Bournan, Mme. de. 74 

! Bouverie, Mr., 21 

| Bouvier. Captain Otto, elected, 3 

I — his death, 231 

Bow, French Protestant Church alt, 56 

Bowles family, 312 ■::{e 

Bowood, 319, 321, 333 
: Box, George, 183, 190 

Boydell's edition of Shakespeare. 161 

Boyer, Paul la Boque. 57 
: Boyne, battle of the. 133 

Braikenridge, William J., his death, 

Bramble, Lieut. -Col. James E~ his 

death, 304 
Brandenburg, 86 

— Elector of, 201 

— navy, French refugees, sailers in, 


— paper manufacture in, 200, 201 
I Brandonniere, — de la, 83 

: Brantome, 278 
! Bredy, Little, 340 ped. 
Brereton, Amelia Henrietta, 382 noie y 
383 note 

— Edward, 382 note, 383 note 

— Captain William. 3S3 note 
Brescoll, Cornelius, 205 
Breuil, M. de, 74 

— , — Du, 84 

Breval, Francois Durand de, 20 

Brevet, Elie, 55, 57 

Bridport, 340 ped. 

Briel, Henry, 53 

Brighton, the Pavilion, 163 

Briily, Elie, 24, 27 
! Briquemault, — de, 83 
! Brisac, Jean Pierre. 47 
j Brisay, Theo. des. 34 -> ped. 

Briscoe, John, papermaker, 197, 202- 
205, 210 

Bristol, 333 

British Institution. See under Legion 
Brodin, — 111 

— Jerome, 111 

Bros, J. R. White, elected, 299 

Brossard family. 392 
' — de Grosmt-nil, David, 380 not* 
\ — Marie, 380 note 
\ Brougham, Lord, 334. 335 
I Browne, Jemmet, Bishop of E^phin, 
| 138 

I Browning, Arthur Giraud, F.S.A.. 151, 
292; address by, 8; ret ires from 
office of president, 6 ; his ieaih. 

»j 300, 304; his life and ^ork, 
30*- 309 

1 — Arthur Herve, 292 



Brover, Claude. 33 
Brozei, Marie, 389 
Bruere, Nancy Sadleir, 340 ped. 

— William, 340 ped. 
Bruges, 385 

Brunet, Jacques, 348 ped. 

— de Lochebrune, Marie Julie, 122 
Brunier, Madame, 86 

Brussels, 84, 378 note 
Buccaneers, French, 171, 172 
Bucke, Kobert, 394 

— Thomas, 394 

Buckinghamshire, paper manufacture 

in, 189, 193, 208-211 
BuckriJge, Edmund, 220 
Bugnion, Frederic, 39 
Buliod, Louis, 259 
Bulmer, — , the painter, 161 
Buonaparte, Joseph, and the Spanish 

pictures, 162 

— Napoleon. See Napoleon 
Burdett, Sir Francis, 331, 337 
Burg-an-der-Ihle, paper mill at, 201 
Burghley, Lord, 183 
Burgundy. 128 

Burke, Edmund, 320, 321 
Burneby, Eustace, papermaker, 196 
Byfket, paper mill at, 214, 216 

Cabibel. Anne Rose. 388 note 

— Etienne, SiO ped. 

— Peter, 388 and note 

Cabrol de Laroque, Marthe de, 37-3 


Cadman- Jones, Henry Martvn. elected, 

Cadogan, Mrs., 368 
Caen, 83 

— baptism of Moors at, 251 

— Huguenots of. 251, 291, 388 

— Protestant Church of, 250, 251, 


— — registers, 301 
Cafarelli, Mr., 34 

Cagny, near Caen, Seigneur de. See 

Cahanel, Anne de, marriage of, 81 

— Elianor de, marriage of, 81 

— Judith Samson de, marriage of, 

80. 81 

— Pierre Samson de, persecution of, 

77-81 ; wife of. 78, 79, 80 ; son of, 
79, 80 ; daughters of, 78, 79, 80, 
81 ; sister of, 79, 80 ; descendants 
of, 81 

— Samson de, 86 
Caignard. Jean, his wife, 257 
Caillard, Gaspar, 134 

Caion, Piobert Estienne le, 256 
Cairon, Monsieur, 25 

i Calais, the Huguenots in, 237-248 
; — incursion of Spaniards on, 243 
Galas, Jean. 36, 388 note 
Calmette, Bosc de la. See Bosc 
Calvin de Combecrose, Captain Pierre, 
348 ped. 

: Calvinism. French refugees' attitude 

towards, 250. 251 
i Cambon, — du, 133 
| Cambridge, Duchess of, 161 
I — paper manufacture at, 178, 194 

— University, Emmanuel College, 271 
| pictures at, 164 

: the Seatonian prize, 273 

| Campagnac, — de, 84 

j Campagne, Jeanne de, 120 

! Campbell, Mrs. Edmund, elected, 143 

j — Eliza A., 340 ped. 

' — Colonel John H., 340 ped. 

; Campredon, Francois, 137, 138 

— Louis, 97. 137, 138 

Camus, Le, the Lieutenant Civil, 67, 

I Canada, the French in, 172, 175, 250 
| Canning, George, 329, 332 
; Canssen, — , 246 
, Canterbury 114 

! — Archbishop of, 15, 30, 32, 34, 332 
I — cathedral, 251 
! — French settlements at, 249 
| Canvey Island, 394 
5 Cape, Jonathan, 39 
| Capital Punishment, 321, 331-333 
j Cappel, Dr. Jacques, 55, 56 
' Carder, Sydney, 377 note 
! Cardonell, Adam de, papermaker, 

— , — , junior, papermaker, 203, 218 

Carey, Nicholas, 47 
1 Carle, — , 57 

Carlingford, 119 
i Carlow, 128 

Carnegie, Lady Arabella Charlotte, 
340 ped. 

- — James. Earl of Southesk, 340 ped. 

Caron, Madame le, 85 

Carrick-on-Suir, 92 
: Cartier, Jacques, 172 
' Casamajor, Jean, 43 and note, 44 

Casercy. Bernardine, 373 

Cashel, Archdeacon of, 375 note 

Cassel, 387 

Casteljaloux, paper manufacture in, 

; Castell, publisher of engravings, 291 
; Castelnau, 278 

— Boiieau de. See Boileau 
, Ca,tkreagh, Lord, 334, 362 

Castres, 218 
J — Huguenot refugees of, 373 


Castrie, Peter de, 376 note 
Catholic emancipation, 3*30, 332, 333, | 

Catholics and Huguenots in the \ 

Calaisis in 1612, 237-248 
Catillon, Madame, 342 
Catlyn, John, 214 
Caulet, Martha, 340 peel. 
Caulrield, Dr. Richard, of Cork, 87, 88 j 

— his collections, 104 
Caumont La Force, Marie de, 83 
Cautier, Georges, 36, 38 
Cauvigny, Jacques de, 2-51 

Caux, Isabeau (or Elizabeth) la, 118 

— William de, elected, 225 
Cecil, Sir Robert, 192 
Celle, La, family, 392 
Cesvet, Jean, 36 

Cevennes, the peasantry of, 255 

— the war in, 59 0 
Chabaud, Fleurette, 340 and ped., 341 

— Jacques, 341 
Chabin, Marie, 82 
Chabot, Miss, elected, 295 
Chabrier, Antoine, 93 

— Esther, 93 

Chaise La Place, Daniel. See Place 
Cbaligny, — de, 83 I 
Chamier, Daniel, 24, 26, 29 
Champagne, paper manufacture in, 200 j 
Champagne, Josias, 348 ped. 
Champlain, Samuel. 172. 173 
Champs, Jean des. 21 
Chantard, Pierre, 340 
Chapelizod, 92 

Chapelle or Chappelle. M. de la, 105 

— Amos de la, 348 ped. note 

— Armand de la, 57 

— Armand Boibeileau de la, 26, 30 

— Ferre de la. See Ferre 

— Francis de la, 348 ped. note 

— Mary de la, 348 ped. and note 
Charenton, 85 

Charitv schools unknown in France, 

Charles I., King of England, and Jean I 
Petitot, 348-350 

— enamel portrait of, 350 
Charles II., King of England, 19 

— and Petitot, 350 
Charleton, Julius. See Courtin 
Chariot D'Argenteuil. See Argen- I 

teuil, D'. 

Charlotte Elizabeth, Princess Palatine. 

See Palatine 
Cha.,e. Miss M. E., elected, 225 
Chastel, Paul, 131 
Chastelain, — , 86 
Chateaudun, — , 85 

— enamelling at, 349 

Chateauneuf, — . 207 
Chatelain, Henri, 33, 36, 38 
Chatellerault, 312, 341 
Chatillon, Cardinal de. 250. 251 
Chatillon-sur-Loire, 259, 262 
Chatou, near Versailles, S3 
Chaumettee, Louis de in, 27, 30, 137 
Chautard, Jean Baptiste Balguerie de. 
24, 41 

Chauvin, — , colonist of Canada, 172 
Chayla, — Du, 255 
Chefboutonne, Chateau de. 85 
Chelsea, Cook's Grounds, 54 

— French Protestant Church in, 54 

— Glebe Place, 54 

— Park Chapel, 54 

— Little, French Protestant Church 

in, 54 
Cheltenham, 303 
Chenevix family, note on, 391 
-, Notes on, by R. A. Leigh. 364- 


— Benjamin le, 391 

— Daniel, 365 
-- Mary, 365 

— Melesina, 364, 367, 368 

— d'Eplv, Paul, 364, 365 

— Philip, 365, 368 

— Philippe le, 364. 365 

— Rev. Philip, 364 

— Richard, Bishop of Waterford. 

Chesne, Jean Aubert du, 36 
Chester, 124 

— Bishop of, 332 
Chesterfield, Earl of. 127, 365 
Chevalleau, Elizabeth, 390 

— Louis, 390 

Chevallerie, la Chevallerie, family, note 
on, 392 

— Georges, 392 

— Jacques, 392 

— Jean, 392 

— Marie, 392 

— Michel, 392 

— Rene, 392 

— Suzanne, 392 
Chevreuse, Duchess of. 66 
Cheynet, Catherine, 348 ped. 
Chichester, Bishop of, 340 ped. 
Chilworth Gunpowder Works, 231 
Chippenham, 344 

Chiroe, Rev. Jean Louis. 23, 24, 39. 47 
Church Temporalities Commissioner:. 

Ireland, 101 
Church, Joseph, 209 
Churchtown, 92 

Churchyard, Thomas, lines by, 183 -1-6 
Clamouse, M., 381 note 
Clancarty, Earl of. See Trench 



Clark, Edward, papermaker, 203 
Claude, Jean, 97 
Clerc, Jeanne le, 109 

— Pierre le, 109 

Cleveland, Juliana, 348 ped. note 

Clinton, Lady, 59 

Clogher, Bishop of, 92 

Cloisonne enamel work, 353 

Clonaheen, 129 

Clonegan, 92 

Clonenagh, 129 

Clonfert, 366 

Clongell, 358 

Clonmel, 114 

Clowden, Ann Magdalene, 150 
Cloyne, 133 

— Bishop of, 127, 271 
Cobham, 376 

Cobhani, Sir Henry Brooke. 182 
Coderc, Samuel, 36, 38, 51, 315 
Coignard, — , 86 

Colbert. 63, 66, 67; son of. See 

Seignelay, Marquis de 
Colchester Dutch Church register, 


Coleman, John, 209 
Coligny, Admiral. 277 
Collections on behalf of refugees, 

Collin, Noe, 26 

Collins family. 312 note 

— Sir W. J." M.D., M.P.. paper read 

by, 296; Sir Samuel Romilly, 

by, 310-347 
Collot d'Escury, Marie Madelaine, 

379 note 
Colognac, 101 
Colombe, Michel, 44, 50 
Colomiez, Paul, 32 

Combecrose (de Combecroze) Marie, 
348 ped. note 

— Pierre, 348 ped. note 

— Calvin de. See Calvin 
Compton, Henrv, Bishop of London, 

36, 41-43, 49, 50, 119 
Comie, Gaspard de. 379 
Condorcet, 318, 322 
Confiscation of Huguenot property, 

253, 258 

' Conformity ' of French refugees. 

90-99, 251 
Congenies, 304 
Congreve, Archdeacon, 127 
Coningsbv, — ,Lord Justice of Ireland, 

110 " 

Connaught, French refugees in, 367 
Conrart's version of the Psalms, 97, 

Constant, Benjamin, 338 
Constitutional Society, 321 

Contet, Charles. 24, 26, 29 
Convenant. Paul, 21 
Cooke, Mr., 362 

Cooke-Trench, Thomas, 356, 361 
Coolbanagher, 122 
. Coote. — , 195 
, Earl of Mountrath. 99 

— Lady Dorothy, 99 

; Copenhagen, baLtle of, 169 

' Coppenburgh. See Croppenbergh 

i Coq, Madame le, 386, 388 

i — M. le, 385, 386 

• Corance, M. de, 346 

t Cordouan, Bene de, 85 

i Corne, Jeanne de la. 387 

I Correch de Bonne, Marie de, 384 

j Coruwallis, Lord, 33, 363 

Cornwell, Anthony, papermaker, 203 

Costard, Boger, 85 
j Coste^ Madame de la, 376 note 
■ Coste-Grezeres, Sieur de. See Larfc 
, Cotterell, Philadelphia, 209 
j Coulan, Anthoine, 24, 26, 29 

Cour-Grezeres, Sieur de. See Lart 
i Couraud, Paul, papermaker, 203 
| Courcelles, Firmin de. 348 ped. 

• — Marie de, 34S ped. 

j Courtin, alias Charleton, Julius, 82 
j Coutances, prison at, 78 
| Coutiers, Jane Susanna, 381 note 
Cowes. 333 

Cowie, Benjamin Morgan, D.D., 340 


— Edith Mary. 340 ped. 
Cox, Sir Bichard, 113 

: Cramer, — , Syndic of Geneva. 352 
I Cranmer, John, papermaker, 203 
1 Cregut, J. D., 24, 41 
| Crespin, Marie, 3±3 p>ed. 
| — Olvmpe, 392 
j Cretelle, La, 279 
j Crevel, Jean Baptiste. 36, 45 
I Criminal code, English, Romilly's 
labours, 331-336 

Croix, Sieur de la. 86 

Cromelin, Adrien, 83 

Crompton family, 312 note 

— Henry, 340 ped. 

— Lucy Henrietta, 340 pea. 
Cromwell, Henry, Lord Deputy or 

j Ireland, 89 

— Oliver, and Protestant refugees, 89 
1 Croppenburgh (Croppenberg, Coppen- 
burgh), Joas, 394 

: Mary, 394 

Cros, Guillaume du. 20 

— Henry du. elected, 295 
Crose, Anne, 348 ped. 
Crutchley, General, 160 * 
Cuba, buccaneers in, 171, 172 



Cuper, Anne, 351 

— Catenae, 343 ped. note 

— Madeleine, 348 ped. 

— Marguerite, 348 ped., 351 

— Marie, 348 ped. 

— Sulpice, 348 ped. 

Curtis, James, F.S.A., elected, 145 

— John, papermaker, 203 

Cust, Lionel, F.S.A., paper read by, 
143; William Segiiier, First 
Keeper of the National Gallery, 
by, 157-164 

Cutler, Nicholas, papermaker, 203 

Cuville, — , 83 

Daes, Alexander, 219 

D'Agneau. See Agneau 

Daigneaux, Jean Joseph, 44 

d'Alary. See Alary 

d'Albiac. See Albiac 

d'Alche des Planels. See Alche 

D'Alembert, 318 

Dairy, paper mill at, 219 

Dalton, Charles, paper read by, 3 - 

D'Ambesiaux, D'Ambesieux. See Am- 

d'Andigny. See Andigny • 
Daniell, Thomas, 137 
Danois, — Le, 207 
Darassus, M., 124 note 

— Anne Henriette, 105, 109 

— Antoinette, 105 

— Elie, 105 

— Jean, 105, 106, 108 

— Marianne, 106, 119 
Dargent. Jacques, 344 
D'Argenteuil. See Argenteuil, D' 
d'Argentre. See Argentre 
Darien, Lolonnois killed in, 172 
Darnell, Mr., 212, 213 
Dartford iron works, 183, 196 

— paper mills, 179-187, 1.99 

— powder mills, 195 
Dartrey, Lord, 377 note 
D'Auberoche. See Auberoche 
d'Aubigne. See Aubigne 
D'Aubigny, Henri. See Aubigny 
D'Aulnoy. See Aulnoy 
d'Ausbourg. See Ausbourg 
Daval. See Duval 

d'Avaux. See Avaux 

Davenport, Major C. J., F.S.A., elected, 

223 ; paper read by, 297 ; Jean 

Petitot, by, 348-355 
Davidson, Rev. E., 21 
Davila, 278 

Dawson, Catherine 377 note 

— Richard, 377 note 

— Thomas, 209 
Deal, 276 

I Dealy, Andrew, 340 ped: 

| — Caroline Catharine, 340 ped. 

J Deathe, William, 181, 182 

de Bacquencourt. See Bacquencourt 

de Barhay. See Barhay 

Debary, Marie, 390 

— Rev. Peter, 390 

de Bayard. See Bayard 
I de Beaufort. See Beaufort 
! De Beaumont. See Beaumont 

de Beauvoir. See Beauvoir 

De Berenghen. See Berenghen 

de Bernatre. See Bernatre 

de Besmans. See Besmaus 

de Beze. Sec Beze 

de Blosset. See Blosset 

De Bonca j ur. See Boncceur 

de Bostaquet. See Bostaquet 

de Bouchet, — . See Bouchet 

de Bouet. Sec Bouet 

de Bouffard-Madiane, See Bouffard 

de Bourepaus. Sec Bourepaus 

de Bournan. See Bournan 

de Breuil. See Breuil 

de Breval. See Breval 

de Cabrol. See Cabrol 

de Cahanel. Sec Cahanel 

de Campagnac. See Campagnac 

de Cardonell. See Cardoneil 

de Castrie. See Castrie 

de Caumont La Force. See Cau- 

de Cauvigny. See Cauvigny 

de Caux. See Caux 

de Chaligny. See Chaligny 

de Chantard, See Chantard 

Declaration of Toleration, 23 . 

de Combecrose. See Combecrose 
j de Comte. See Comte 
I De Cordouan. Sec Cordouan 
I de Correch. See Correch 

de Courcelles. See Courcelles 

de Durand. See Durand 

D'Ersigny. See Ersigny 

de Falguerolles. See i'alguerolles 
I de Ferre. See P'erre 

de Fontalba. SeeFontalba 
■ de Francquefort. See Franequefort 
I de Froment. Sec Froment 
I De Gagemont. See Gagemont 
I Degaliniere, — ,117 
; — M., 97 

i — Pierre Peze, 116-122 

de Galinieres. See Gaiinieres 

de Gaujac. See Gaujac 

de Genas. See Genas 

de Gennes. See Gennes 
! de Gervain. See Gervain 
J De Grimprez. See Grimprez 

de Gruchee. See Gruchec- 



de Guiffardiere. See Guiffardiere 
De Harlay. See Harlay 
de Home. See Horne 
Dejean, Maria Theresa, 375 note 
do Joux. See Joux 
de Jouy, See Jouy 
de Kerhuel. See Kerhuel 
de la Blachiere. See Blachiere 
de la Brandonniere. Sfe Brandon- 

de la Chapelle. See Chapelle 

de la Chaumette. Sec Chaumette 

de la Corne. See Corne 

de la Coste. See Coste 

Delacroix, — , 85 

De la Croix. See Croix 

de la Deveze. See Ladeveze 

de la Douespe. See Douespe 

De la Ferte-Civille. See Fcrte-Civille 

de la Fontaine. See Fontaine 

de la Force. See Force 

de la Haize. See Haize 

Delahaize, Moses, 344, 345 

— Philip, 545 

Delaizement, Philippe, 36, 33 

de Laizemont. See Laizemont 

de la Mare. See Mare 

Delamarre, the Commissary, 63. 71, 72 

de la Massonais- See Massonais 

de la Melonniere. See Melonniere 

de Lamont. See Lamont 

Delamotte, Gedeon, 44 

de la Motte. Mothe. See Mothe 

de 1' Angle, de Langle. See- Angle 

Delanoy, Peter, 216 

de la Penissiere. See Penissiere 

de la Prada, de Lescure. See Lescure 

de la Prada 
de la Prade. See Prade 
de la Reynie. See Beynie 
de la Rive. See Rive 
de la Riviere. See Riviere 
de la Roche. See Roche 
de Lart. See Lart 
de la Sabliere. See Rambouillet 
de la Salle. See Salle 
de la Sara. See Sara 
de la Saussaye. See Saussaye 
de L'Aspois. See Aspois and Laspois 
de l'Astre. See L'Oste 
De la Stcherye. See Secherye 
de la Tranche. See Tranche 
Delausac, — , 43 
de la Valliere. See Vailiere 
de La Vrilliere. See Vrilliere 
Delebecque, 20 
de PEnclos. See 1'EncIos 
De Lernot. See Lernot 
de Lescure. See Lescure de ia Prada 
de Lespinay. See Lespinay 

Delessert, Madame. 318 
Delezenot, J. L., 53 
de Ligonier. See Ligonier 
de Limevilie. See Limeville 
de Loire. See Loire 
de l'Ortie. See Ortie 
de L'Oste. See L'Oste 
De luc, Francoise, 340 ped. 
de Maintenon. See Maintenon 
de Malno. See Malno 
de Mauries. See Mauries 
de Mauvoy. See Mauvoy 
de May. See May 
de Mazieres. See Mazieres 
de Meillant. See Meillant 
de Meinier. See Meinier 
de Missy. See Missy 
de Monceau. See Monceau 
de Mondigny. See Mondigny 
Demonsallier. See Monsaliier 
de Montagny, J. Mollin. See Montagny 
de Montcenis. See Montcenis 
de Montespan. See Montespan 
de Montginot. See Montginot 
de Montignac. See Montignac 
de Montmorency. See Montmorency 
de Montolieu. See Montolieu 
de Monts. See Monts 
De Nez. See Nez 
Denham, Edward, M.D., 94, 95 
Denis, M., minister at Chester, 124 
and note 

Denison, Edward Hanson, 340 ped. 

— Helen Jemima, 3±0 ped. 
Dennis. — , 209 

de Pardaillan. See Pardaillan 
de Peres. See Perer 
de Petit Bosc. See Petit Bosc 
de Pismes. See Pismes 
de Rameru. See Rameru 
de Refuge. See Refuge 
de Retz. See Retz 
de Rocheblave. See Rocheblave 
de Romagnac. See Romagnac 
de Rotolp. See Rotolp 
de Ruinat. See Ruinat 
des Aguliers. See Aguliers 
des Brisay. See Brisay 
de Saiily. See Sailly 
de St. Auban. See St. Auban 
de St. Colombe. See St. Colombe 
de St. Ferreol. See St. Ferreol 
De Saint Gelais. See Saint Geiais 
De Saint-Hermine. See Saint-Her- 

de St. Jean. See St. Jean 

— <le Vedas. See St. Jean 
de St. Juhen. See St. Juiien 
de StaeL See Stael 

de Schickler, Baron. See Schickler 



de St. Paul. See St. Paul 

de Saponnet. See Saponnet 

des Champs. Sec Champs 

de Seignelay. See Seignelay 

Desert-Dieu, Pierre Jacques du, 80. 
81 ; his wife Judith de Cahanel, i 
80, 81 ; their daughter Marianne, | 

de Sery. See Sery 

Desgrez, — , police sergeant, 63. 71, 

72, 73 ; his wife, 73 
de Sicquevilie. See Sicqueville 
Desmaretz, Claude Crottier, 385, 389, 


— Jeanne, 390 

— Pierre Crottier, 390 
Desmagures, Jacques, 20 
des Noyers. Sec Noyers 
Desrevillers, — , 22 

de Sourches. See Sourches 

d'Espagne. See Espagne 

d'Esperandieu. See Esperandieu 

de Susy Boan. See Susy Boan 

des Vignolles. See Vignolles 

des Vceux. See Vceux 

des Yories. See Vories 

de Tacher. See Taseher 

de Tandabaratz. See Tandabaratz 

de Taseher. See Taseher 

de Terson. See Terson 

de Thors. See Thors 

de Touchimbert. See Touchimbert 

Dettingen, battle of, 376 note, 384 note 

de Tudert.. See Tudert 

de Varennes. See Varennes 

de Yenneville. See Yenneville 

de Verdeille. See Yerdeille 

de Yertot. See Yertot 

Devese, Rotolp de la. See Eotolp 

de Yillarnou. See Yillarnou 

de Yillette. See Yillette 

de ViUiers. See Yilliers 

De Virasel. See Yirasel 

Devonport, 340 ped: 

Devonshire, Duke of, 129 

D'Esoudun. See Exoudun 

d'Haynin. See Havnin 

Diderot, 318 

Dieppe, 172, 174 

Du Bedat. See Beclat 

Dubois, — , 82 

du Bois. See Boia 

Dubourdieu, — , 15, 25, 41, 46, 54, 56 I 

— Isaac, 20 

— Jean, 20 

— Jean Armand, 20 j 

— and 'see Bourdieu 

du Bourgay. See Bourgay 

Du Breuil. See Breuil 

Dijon, 387 I 

Dilettanti Society, 162 

Dodd, William, papermaker, 203 

Dodder river, 132 

d'Olbreuse. See Olbreuse 

d'Olier. See Olier 

Dolon, — , 83 

— de Ners, Marie, 390 
Domvile family, the, 108 
Donaghmore, 129 
Douard, Daniel, 348 ped. 
Douespe, Francois de la, 109 

— Letablere de la. See Letablere 

— Paul de la, 109 

— Philippe de la, 109 

— Samuel de la, 26, 30, 51 
Douglass, Anne, 137 
Doules, B., 32, 34*, 35, 33 
Dover, 276 

— Huguenots in, 237 
Dover, Lord, portrait of, 160 
Down, Bishop of, 123 
Dragonnades, author of. See Louvois 
Drelincourt, Charles, 130 

— Mary, 130 

— Peter, Dean of Armagh, 130 
Drogheda, Lord, 111 
Dromore, Bishop of, 123, 128 
Droz, Jean Pierre, 128, 129, 135 
Drumlane, 111 

Drummond, Miss E. E., elected, 299 
Drung, 117 

Drury, Anne, 348 ped. 

— Edward, 348 ped. 

Dublin, 21, 32, 34, 35, 38, 44, 55 

— Archbishop of, 370. And see Marsh 

— Archbishop Marsh's library, 116 

— archbishopric of, 367 

— petition for encouragement of arti- 

ficers in, 89 

— freedom of the city allowed to 

refugee artificers, 100 

— castle, 138 

— churches, St. Bride's, 104 

St. Kevin's, 113, 138 

Christ Church cathedral, 99 

St. Nicholas Without, 126. 

132, 133 

— — St. Patrick's cathedral, 88, 97. 

98, 126, 132, 136, 139 

— — — St. Mary's chapel in. 

assigned for Huguenot services 

— prebends in, 92, 99 

— French churches of. 283 

and their ministers, by T. P. 

Le Fanu, 87-139 

— — Nonconformist. 103-110 

— — records of, 87, 88 

Bride Street, 103-106, 114 

— its cemetery, 104 



Dublin, French Churches, 'L'Eglise 
Frapeoise de Goiblac Lane.' 107 

— — Lucy Lane church, 106, 108, 

117, 119-121, 123, 129. 134-130 
St. Mary's, 109, 115, 119-121 

— — — its records, 87 

St. Patrick's, 91-102, 107, 109- 

123, 127-133. 136-138 
— discipline for, 87, 93, 98 

— — — graveyard, 101, 139 

— — — its records, 87, 102 

Peter Street, 105.108-110, 124 

note, 125, 12G. 128 131, 134-139 

— — — its cemetery, 139 

— — Wood Street, 107, 108 

Presbyterian, Skinners' Alley, 


— corporation, and Protestant re- 

fugees, 100 

— ' Le Corps du Refuge,' 103 

— the Four Courts, 139 

— Hollow Sword Blade Company, 106 

— King Charles's Hospital, Oxman- 

town, 125 

— Huguenot charitable societies, 88, 

124-127, 280-290 

— 'French Huguenot Fund,' 87, 88, 


— French poor relief. 123-127, 130, 

132, 138 

— Jesuits in, 106 

— Phcenix Park, 92 

— St. Patrick's Park, 125 

— ' Societe charitable des ' Francois 

Protestants Refudes a,' 88, 280- 

— streets, &c. : Brabazon Street, 131 
Cathedral Lane, 101 

Charles Street, 139 

— — Chequer Lane, 113 
Clarendon Street. 136 

— — Digges Street, 128 

— — Exchequer Street, 113 

— — Kevin Lane, 132 

— — Liberty Lane, 132 

Lucy Lane (Mass Street, Chan- 
cery Place), 106, 139 

Myler's Alley, 125, 132 

Ormonde Bridge, 139 

— — Bichmond Bridge, 139 

St. Stephen's Green, 104 

Truck Street, 131 

Wicklow Street, 113 

du Cambon. See Cambon 
Tucasse, Pascal, 120, 121, 127 

seigneur de Mevrac, 120 

Du Chayla. Sec Chayla 

du Chesne, Jean Albert. See Chesne 

Duchocquet, — , 82 

du Cros. See Cros 

du Desert-Pieu. See Desert-Dieu 
Du Fay d'Exoudun. See Exoudun 
Dufour, — , 86 

— Isaac, 126 
Dugas, M.. 137, 138 
Duillier, Bazin de. See Bazin 
Dumaresque. Bichard, 20 
Dumas, 69. 292 

— Henry John Philip, his death, 150 

— Hugh Charles Sowerby, elected, 


Dumeny, Catherine, 120 

— Jean, 120 

— Marie, 120 

Dumont, Etienne, 317, 320, 321, 323, 
324, 333, 335 

— Judith Julia, 380 note 

— de Bostaquet, Isaac, 380 note, 

381 note 

Marie Madelaine, 381 note 

Dumouchel, F., 391 

du Moulin. See Moulin 

Dundas, Henry, Lord Melville, 329 

Dunkirk, 207 

Dunston, John, papermaker, 203-204, 

du Pay, Sec Pay 

Dupein, Nicholas, papermaker, 201- 
205, 208. 215 

— Paul, papermaker, 203-205 
Du Peray. • See Peray 

Duperron. Anne Girardot, 348 ped. 

Dupin, Isabeau, 374 

— Philippe, 374 
Duplessis, Fr., 57 
Duponcet, John Lewis, 377 note 

— Susanna Margaretta, 377 note 

— Cp. Poncet 
Dupont, Mr., 21 

— Catharine, 390 

— Stephen, 385, 390 
du Poyen. See Poyen 
Dupuis, Charles E., elected, 143 
Duquesne, Abraham, admiral, 168, 

174, 175 
Durand, David, 21, 33, 38 

— David Henri, 26, 30 

— Jacques, 22 

— Jean de, 107. 108, 134, 136 

— Pierre, 38 
Durban, Catherine, 389 
Durel, Jean, 91, 97 

— Jean, D.D., 20 
Duret, Christopher, 58 
Durete, — , 54 

— Francois, 45 

du Rosel. See Rosel 
d'Ussaux. See Ussaux 
Dutch in France, 241, 247 



Dutch settlements under the Tudors, 

Dutemps, Daniel, 36, 38 
du Trelong. See Trelong 
Duvivier, — , 38 
Duval or Daval, — ,41 
' — David, 54 

— Nicholas, 41 note, 44 

— Stephen Smith, elected, 297 
Duvignau, — , 84 

Echlin, Colonel, 120 
Edinburgh, 333 
Edsail Thomas, 105, 196 
Education by Dublin Huguenot chari- 
table societies, 124-127 

— Whitbread's bill, 330 
Edward VI. (King of England), 18 
Egerton, Sir Philip le Belward Grey, 

340 ped. 

— Violet Edith Grey, 340 ped. 
Eldon, Lord, 338 

Eleonore of Zell, 393 
Elibank, Baron, 387 
Ellenborough, Lord, 329 
Elliott (Elliot) family, 312 note 

— Mr., 368 

— Anna Maria, Lady Minto, 340 ped. 

— Lady Elizabeth Amelia Jane, 340 


— Gilbert, Earl of Minto, 340 ped. 
Elphin, Bishop of, 138 

Ely, Bishop of, 332 
Enamelling, account of the art, 353- 

— history of portraiture in, 349-355 
Enclos, Ninon de 1', 351 

Engel, Kose Marguerite, 348 ped. 
Ensham, paper mill at, 198, 215 
Episcopacv, relations of Huguenots to, 

Eply, Chenevix d'. See Chenevix 
Erlestoke Park, Wilts, 160 and note 
Ersigny, Epoux D', 84 
Erskine, Lord, 326, 331 
Escury, Collot d\ See Collot 
Espagne, Jean d\ 19, 20 
Esperandieu d'Aiguefondc, d\ family, 
373 note 

— Gabrielle d', 379 note 

— Guillaume, 380 note 

— Jacques d\ 379 note 

— Suzanne, 375, 380 note 
Espie, — , 254 
Espinasse, Richard, 133 
Etampes, 83 

Etans, Petit des. See Petit 
Evans, Mary, 313, 318 
Exoudun, Charlotte d\ 135 

— Captain Josue Du Fay d', 135 

Eston, co. Rutland, 384 
Eynard, J., 21, 33, 36, 38 
Eyre, Colonel, 330 

Faber, Miss, elected, 299 

— Major Frederick Grey, elected, 145 

— Reginald S., 300 
Facquier, Madame, 313 

— Marguerite, 340 ped., 345 

— Peter, 345 
Faget, J., 391 
Faisan. See Fezant 
Falguerolles, de, family, 373 note 

— Godefroi de, 379 note ■ 

; — Jeanne Fran<?oise Marguerite de, 379 
| — Captain Peter de, 379 note 
I — Pierre de, 379 note 
. Falaiseau, Marianne, 136 

Falkirk Muir, battle of, 378 note 

Fanu. See Le Fanu 

Fargot, — , 86 

Farmer, Dr. Richard, 271-273 
Farnborough, Lord. See Long 
I'arquhar, Margaret, 345 
Fatio, Fran<^oise L. Michee, 348 ped. 
j Faulcon, — , 20 

i Fay d'Exoudun, du. See Exoudun 
i Fayolle, Charles, 387 
! — Elizabeth, 387, 388 
I Fecamp, 91 
! Fenelon, 64 
j Fennell, Thomas, 209 
j tFerre de la Chapelle, Amos, 348 ped. 
| *Ferre, Francois de, 348 ped. 
Ferrieres, Bayard de. See Bayard 

— Bois de. See Bois 
Ferte-Civille, Madame de la, 85 

' Ferte, Picart de la. See Picart 
I Fezant or Faisan, Engelbert Joseph, 58 
j Fierville, de There de. See There 
I Fisher, Margaret, 377 note 
! Flack, Mr., 314 
: Flahaut, Francois, 23, 33 
j Flemings in France, 241, 242, 247 
I Flemish settlements under the Tudors, 

: Fleureton, Francis, papermaker, 200 

Fleurie, Louis, papermaker, 203 
i Fleury, Amaury Philippe, 44, 122, 127 
j — Antoine, 122, 127, 128 

— Esther, 122 

; — George Louis, 122 

— Louis, 122 

— Pierre, 44 
Fludyer, Elizabeth, 344 

* — Samuel, 344 

— Sir Samuel, 314, 340 ped.., 344, 345 
; — Sir Thomas, 340 ped., 344 

j Foix, Jacques de, Bishop of Lescar, 252 
Fontaine, Mme. de la, 84 



Fontaine, Mesdemoiselles de la, 70 I 

— M. de la, 81 

— Jacques, 57 

— James, 95 
Fontainebleau, 369 
Fontalba, M. de, 381 note 
Foritjuliane, Colonel, 114 
Forant, — , 207 

Force, Duchess de la, 85 

Force, Caumont La. See Caumont 

Ford Abbey, 334 

Foreign Protestants, exemption of, from i 

Act of Uniformity, 103 
Foster, Mr., 333 
Fouche, — , 325 

Fouquet, Nicholas, enamel portrait of, | 

Fourdrinier family, the, and Cardinal 
Newman, notes on, by S. W. Ker- 
shaw and H. Wagner, 291, 391 

— Henri, 291 

— Henri, Admiral of France, 291 

— P., 391 

— Paul, 291, 391 

— Peter (Pierre), 291, 391 
Fourgon, Ester, 393 
Fourne, — , 38 
Fournes, Marie, 381 

Fox, Charles James, 325, 326, 328, 329 

— Sir Stephen, 35 
Foux, — La, 24 
Franc, Helene le, 99 
France, 46 

— Dutch in, 241, 247 

— Huguenot registers of, 152, 153 I 

— her navy, 166 

— her over-sea dominions. 167 

— Protestants in, in 1787, 262 

— Eeformation in, 250, 251, 276 
Francillon, Timothee, 24 

Francis I., King of France, enamel i 

portrait of, 353 
Francis, Jeremiah, 211 
Francois, Pierre, buccaneer, 171 
Francquefort, Jacques de, 259 
Franklin, Benjamin. 318 
Frean, Miss M. Heudebourck Hine, 

elected, 145 
Freboul, Jean, 116 

Freemasonry, the Huguenot Lodge, 

note on, 292 
Fremy, Leontine, 380 
French in Canada, 172, 173, 175 

— Ambassador, mansion of, in St. j 

James's Square, 33 

— Churches in London, Notes cm the | 

Sites and History of, by G. B. 
Beeman, 13 

— Hospital, London. See French 

Protestant Hospital 

French Huguenot Fund, Dublin, 87, 
88, 101 

refugees fled to earlier foreign 

settlements, 177 

— Prophets' meetings, 59 

— Protestant Churches, Communion 

plate of, 343 

— General Assembly of, 51,55 

See Bow, Chelsea. Dublin, 

Greenwich, Hackney, Hammer- 
smith, Hoxton, Islington, Ken- 
sington, London, Marylebone, 
Portarlington, Wandsworth, Wap- 

Hospital (La Providence), 15, 

150-154, 292, 304-306, 340 peel, 
343, 345. 348 ped. note. 376 note, 
379 note, 385 

— — first chaplain of, 57 

founders of. See Desert- 

Dieu, du 

— Protestants, state of, after i6So, 

by C. E. Lart, 249-263 

— Refugee Churches, division of, into 

Conformist and Nonconformist, 
17, 103 

— - — — first Nonconforming, in 

London, 23 

— refugees in Ireland, relief of, 100, 

113, 116 

— — prophecy among, 59, 255 
repatriation of, 206, 207 

— regiment, the, 44 

— regiments in Ireland, 102 

— Revolution, the, 60 
Frenchmen on the Seas, lecture on, 

by Dr. T. M. Maguire, 145, 165- 

Frend, George, 189 

Friendly Societies, Early Huguenot, 

Froment, Jeanne de, 387 

— Nicholas de, 387 
Fry, Mrs. Elizabeth, 322 

Fuller, Robert, papermaker, 179, 197 
Fumichon, M., widow of, 80 

Gainsborough, Lady. 384 
Gale, Dr. Thomas, 117 
Galinieres, Pierre Peze de, 32, 34, 35, 

Galway, Lord, 100 105, 111-113, 115, 
118, 119, 121, 136 

his French regiment, 102 

Gambier family of admirals, 169 
— Thomas, M.D., elected, 143 
Gannocke, Nathaniel, 209 
Garbally Castle, 358, 359 
Garbett, Anne, 319, 340 ped. 



Garbett, Elizabeth, 340 ped. 

— Francis, 340 ped. 
Gardell family, 348 

Garnault family, 310, 312 note, 314 
, 311, 344" j 

— Anne, 310 ped., 314 

— Amy, 340 ped. 

— Margaret, 311-313, 310 ped., 344, ! 


— Marie, 344 

— Michel, MOprd. 

— Pierre (Peter), 340 ped., 344 
Garrick, David, medallion of, 158 
Gascony, 84 

Gascoyne, General, 328 
Gastineau, Philip. 2G7, 270 
Gaujac, Gaily de, 58 
Gauterel, Francois, 30 
Gautier, — , 45 

— Jacob, the sons of, 257 

— Jean, 257 
his wife, 257 

— — an apprentice of. 257 

Genas de Beauvoisin, Suzanne de, 381 • 
Geneva, 20, 30, 317, 381, 387 

— religious emigrants at, 348, 340 i 
Gennes, de, family, 392 

— Jehan de, 392 ' 

Genoa, bombardment of, 175 

— paper from, 179 
Gentilhomme, Loys, 348 ped. 
Geoffrey, Dorothue, 348 p-d. 

George II. (King of England), 19, j 

— Thackeray's portrait of. 310 
George IV. as Pnnce of Wales, 325, 


— his pictures, 159, 160 

Gerbais, Abbe, a doctor of the Sor- 

bonne, 70. 72, 75 
German Lutheran congregation in 

London, 16 

— papermakers at Dartford, 179, 180, 


— settlements under the Tudors, 177 
Gervain, Pierre de, 379 

Gervais, Daniel, 105 

— Pauline, 105 
Gibbon, Anne, 340 ped. 

— Edward, 275, 277, 320 
Giberne, Jeanne, 379 note 

— Captain Joshua, 379 note 
Gibert, M., 311, 342 

— Etienne, 27, 47, 342 

Gibson, Edmund, Bishop of London, 

Gifford, Nathaniel, 218 
Gilbert, Abraham, 17 
Gill, George, 211 
Gillet, Jacob, 107 

Gillet, Jacques, 41. 44 (2) 
Gillingham, Boger, 215 
Girardot family, their terriioriai 
aliases, 348 ped. note 

— Andre, B4S ped. note 

— de- Prefonds, Francois, 348 p~:d_ 

— Jaques, 348 ped. 

— Paul, 348 ped. note 

Glasgow, paper manufacture at, 220 
Gloucester, bishopric of. 370 
Glover, Frances. 2&B, 271 and note 

— Joseph, 267, 268, 270, 271 and note 
Gobelin, — , of Paris, S3 

Gobert, Pacitique, 253 

Godalming woollen manufacture, 179 

Godde family, 377 note 

Godin, Jacques, 345 

Godley, Elizabeth. 207, 268 

— Thomas, 267, 268 
Golborne, Elizabeth. 92 

— Thomas, 92 
Gommarc, Jean, 44 
Goodwin, Bethel, 209 
Gordon riots, the. 317 

Gordon, Alexander. Duke of Gordon. 
340 ped. 

— Lady Georgians. 340 ped, 

— Patrick, 220 
Gougeon, Esther, 129 
Goujon, Samuel, 390 

— Stephen, 385. 390 

Goux de Laspois. Aaguste le, 348 ped. 

Cp. Jaspoix 
Graham, Lt.-Col. Arthur, 377 and note 

— Catherine, 377 note 

— Elizabeth, 377 note 

— John Jeffrey, 377 note 

— Ligonier Arthur, 377 note 

— Penelope, 377 a :d note 

— Sydney, 377 n>_-< 
Grand, Marthe le. 219 

— Pierre le, 34. 38 
Grandison, Earl of, 127 
Grandnoue, Pigou de la. See Pfg-oa 
Grantham, Sir William, 266 
Graverol, Jean, 32. 34, 35. 38 
Greek Colony in London, 22 
Greenwich, 117 

— French Protestant Church in. 33. 

54, 55, 57 

— Huguenots at, 111. 112 
Gregory, Dr., 333 
Greliier, Archer, 292 
Grenoble, 200 
Grenville, Lord, 326 

Gresham, Sir Thomas, his paper mill, 

179, 185 
Gribelin, — , 349 
Grignon, Magdeleine, 348 ped. 

— Marguerite, 348 ped. 



Giignon, Marie, 348 ped. 

— Nicholas, 3-18 ped. 
Grimprez, — de, 86 
Grocock, Sarah, 384 
Groenvelt, Henry Frederic, 323 
Grolleau, Louis, 291 

— Susanna, 291, 391 
Grongnet, — , 41 
Groningen, 291, 387 
Groome, Frances, 268 
Gros, Jean le, 48 
Grosmesnil, 99 

— Brossard de. See Br*ossard 
Gruchee, Elias de, papermaker, 201- 

204, 218 
Grymaudet, — , 32 
Gualtier, Peter, 218 
Guarry. — , ehanoine de Sablonceaux, 


Guerite, Anne, 219 
Guibert, J., 82 
Guienne, 375 note 

Guiffardiere, Charles de, 21, 27, 30, 

Guiguer, Elizabeth, 348 ped. note 

— George Tobias, 348 ped. note 

— Jean Georges, Baron de Prangins, 

348 ped. 

— Juliana, 348 ped. note 

— Louis, 348 ped. note 
Guildford woollen manufacture, 179 
Guilieu, Monsieur, 27 

Guinand, Henry, 387 

— John Henry, 387 

— Joseph, 38-5, 387 

Guines, Huguenot Church at, 238-248 

— registers, 238 

Guise, Due de, enamel portrait of. 351 
Guiteau, J., 51 
Guyon family, 392 
Guyot, — , 58 

Haag, MM., Biographical Dictionary 
of, 144 

Habeas Corpus Act, suspension of, 336 
Habershon, George R., elected, 221 
Hackney, French Protestant Church 
at, 56 

Hager (Hagar) George, papermaker, 

197, 198, 214-216, 220 
Hague, the, 26, 30, 343, 365, 386 
Haize, M. de la, 314 
Haldimand, Anthony Francis, 340 ped. 

— Jane, 340 ped. 
Ham, 86 

Hamilton, Lady, 368, 369 

— Sir William, 368 
Hammersmith, 389 

— Brook Green, 55 

Hammersmith French Protestant 

Church in, 55 
Hampshire, paper manufacture in, 218 
Hampstead, 338 
Harborough, Earl of, 265 
Hardy, W. J., elected, 225 
Karlay, de, Proeureur-Generai of the 

Parliament of Paris, 67, 68 
Harris, William, 211 
Harrison. — , 377 
Hartson, Charlotte Marie, 348 ped. 
Harvey, Sir Peter, 94 
Hastings, 268 

Hawkins, Charles, collection of, 158 

Haynin, Catherine d\ 383 

Hayward, Bichard, 158 

Heez, Janssen de. See Janssen 

Heidelberg, 105 

Hely, John, 111 

Henley, Lady Mary, 378 and note 

— Robert, Earl of Northington, 37* 


Henri IV., King of France, 74. 277 

— assassination of, 239 

— death of, 249, 252 

— and the colonization of Canada, 

172, 173 

Henry V., King of England, cradle of. 

Henry, — , 57 
Herault, John, 94 

Herbert, Baron de. See Poutrincourt 

Hereford, Bishop of, 332 

Herkomer, Sir Hubert van, enamel 

portrait by, 355 
Hertford paper mill, 179 
Herve, Thomas, 22, 47 
Hester, William, papermaker. 203 
Hiccocks, William, papermaker, 203 
Hierome, (Hierosme) Elizabeth, 92 

— Esther, 93 

— Henrietta, 92 

— Jacques (James), 20, 91, 92, 94. 96. 


— Martha, 92, 93 

— Prudence, 93 

— Rachel, 92 

Highmore, Edward, 209, 215 
Hildyerd, Charles, papermaker, 196. 

198, 206. Cp. Hyllyard 
Hill, Robert, papermaker, 203 
Hirondelle, — L\ 54 
Hoare, Lydia Henrietta. 393 
Hobbema's iinpasto, reproduction of. 


Hobler, Pierre Samuel, 137 
Hobson, Jonathan, 340 ped. 

— Mary, 340 ped. 
Hoche, General, 360 
Hogue, La. See La Hogue 



Hole, Charles Russell, 340 ped. 

— Gwendoline Powys, 340 ped. 
Holland, 3G, 38, 44, 63, 84 

— French refugee sailors in, 168 

— Huguenot registers of, 153 

— paper manufacture in, 201, 204 

— refugees to, 168, 393 
Hollard. J. Eod, 41. 51 
Hollis, Lady, 59 
Hohnan, H. W., elected. 5 
Holwood, 329 

Holyhead lighthouse, 358, 359 
Honerey, Isaac 1', 257 
Hool, Samuel, 209 
Horne, Abraham de, 340 ped. 
Horsham, 330, 340 ped.. 
Hounslow, 205 

Hovell, Dennis de Eerdt, 340 ped. 

— Mary, 340 ped. 
Hovenden. Robert, 292 
Howard, John, 311, 322, 332 
Hoxton, French Protestant Church 

in, 16, 55, 343 

— Haberdashers' Hospital, 56 

— Square Academy, 55 
Hubbard, Frances, 266, 268, 275 

— Harriet, 266 

— Robert, 266, 275 
Hubert, Daniel, 385, 390 
Hudel, Jean, 22 

Hufiam, Richard, papermaker, 203 
Huguenot bibliography, 278, 279 

— Friendly Societies", Early, 280-290 

— immigration to Ireland. See Ireland 

— Masonic Lodge, 292 

— ministers, Anglican re-ordi ration 

of, 97 

— refugees, their character, 232-236 

— Society of America, 230 

— Society of London, The, annual 

meetings, 5, 147, 227. 299 ; elec- 
tion of officers, 12, 149, 229, 301 ; 
ordinary meetings, 3, 4, 143, 144, 
145, 223, 224, 225, 295, 296, 297 ; 
treasurer's accounts, 7, 146, 220, 

— — its foundation and objects, 306- 


Huguenots, A lost history of the, by 
Dr. J. H. Philpot, 204-279 

— in the Bastille, by Dr. J. H. Phil- 

pot, 60 
Hulburd, Percy, elected, 3 
Home, Sir Abraham, portrait of, 160 

— David, 320 
Hunt, — , 337 
Hunter, — , 340 ped. 

— Anne, 340 ped. 

— Catherine, 340 ped. 
Hutton, Thomas, 217 

I Hyllyard, Thomas, 205, 206. Cv. 

I Hypeau, Francois, 219 

— Gerard, 219 * 

i Ibbetson, Julius Cesar. 158 
j Iberville. Le Moyne d\ See Moyne 
Industries introduced into England by 
foreigners, 177, 179 
j Innishannon, silk manufacture at, 127 
j Intendant, the, in French Constitu- 
tion, 250, 252, 253. 260 
Ireland, 20, 32, 34, 44 
| - Church Temporalities Commis- 
sioners. 101 
I — Coercion Act, 330, 331 
: — ecclesiastical map of, 129 

— episcopacy predominant in, 90 

— French immigration to, 89, 113, 

127, 130, 138 

— — colonies, 113 

— — refugees in, relief of, 100, 113, 


— Huguenot refugees in, 88-91. 100, 

102, 127, 220, 366. 367. And see 
under Dublin 

— Lord Lieutenant of, 129 
Isambert, Edouard, 380 

j — N., 380 
Isle de France, 63 
Islington, chalybeate springs, 317 

— French Protestant Church in, 56 

— Garnault Place, 312 note 
Italian, Anglican services in, 34 
Itchenstoke, 370 ' 

j Jackson, — , portrait by, 161 

— Christopher, papermaker, 197 
j — John, 117 

— Samuel Macauley, elected. 145 
I Jamaica, conquest of, 171 

; James II. (King of England), 18. 23 
' — letters patent of. establish- 
ing French Church of St. Martin 
Orgars, 31 
Janssen family, 389 

— Abraham, 389 

— Catherine, 389 

— Henrv, 389 

— Sir Stephen Theodore, 389 

— Theodore, 206 

— de Heez, Theodore, 389 

Janure de la Bouchetiere, Colonel 
Charles, 136 

Susanne Olimpe, 136 

Jarrige, Pierre, 253, 254 
j Jaspoix, Auguste de, 3-31. Cp. Goux 

de Laspois 
j J&udun, — , 86 
I Jay, Samuel, 394 



Jeanne. d'Albret, 252 
Jeffrey, — , 333 
Jermyn, Lord, 33 

Jervis (or Gervais), Sir Humphrey, 115 
Jesuits in Dublin, 106 

— in France, 251-253 
Jeudwine, Miss K. W., elected, 4 
Johannot. Josias, 219 
Johnson, publisher, 32 i 

— Dr. Samuel, 272, 275. 320 
Jones, Thomas, 209 

— John Gale, 331 
Josion, Jean, 374 

Jouneau, Philippe, 32, 34, 35, 38 
Jourdan, M., rector of Dunshaughlin. 

— Blanche, 133 

— Jean, 118 

Joux, Benjamin de, 24, 26 
Jouy, Jeanne de, 374 
Juichard, D„ papermaker, 203 
Junot, 369 

. ' , I 
Kemele, John. 369, 370 
Kennedy, Sophie, 340 ped. 

— Thomas Francis, 340_p<;tf. 
Kensington Palace, French Protestant 

services at, 56 
Kensington, Miss, elected, 295 
Kent, French and Flemish refugees 

in, 199, 200 

— paper manufacture in, 199. And ! 

see Dartford 
Kerhuel, Jean de, 20 
Kerry, French refugees in, 367 
Kershaw, S. W., Note on tlie Four- i 

drinier family and Cardinal 

Newman, by, 291 
Kildare, 110 
Kildrought, 111 
Kilkenny, 44 
Killaloe, 366 
Killesherdiney, 111 
Kilmore, Bishop of, 123 
Kilruane, 128 
Kirby-over-Carr, 342 
Kitching, Mr,, 21 
Knight, Cornelia, 368 

— Joseph, 209 
Knill, 338 

la Baissade de Massas. See Baissade 
Labaume, Ausbourg de. See Ausbourg 
Labbe, Louise, 259 
la Bellanger. See Bellanger 
Laborie, — , 45, 46 

— Monsieur, 29, 30 

la Bouchetiere. See Bouchetiere 

la Brandonniere,de. See Brandonniere 

La Caux. See Cans 

La Celle. See Celle 

La Chapelle, See Chapelle 

La Chevallerie. See Chevallerie 

Lacombe, 84 

La Cretelle. See Cretelle 
Ladeveze (Ladavese de la Deveze), 
families, 373 

— Major, 377 note 

— Abel, 380 note 

— Abel Adlercron, 375 note 

— Anthony, 375 note 

— John, 375 note 

— Peter, 375 note 

— Samuel. 375 note 
La f argue family, 265 
, 265 

— Rev. Elias, 81 ; his wife Marianne 

du Desert-Dieu. 81 ; their son, 
Rev. Peter, 81 

— Maria. 265. 266. 271 

— Rev. Peter. 81, 265. 266 

— Peter Augustus, 265, 266 
Lafayette, 322 

Laferty. See Picard de la Ferte 
Lafont. Henri, 135 

La Force, de Caumont. See Caumont 
Lafosse. — , 311 
La Foux. See Foux, La 
Lagacherie, Joseph. 104. 105 
La Hogue. battle of. 66, 169 
Laine, James Moullin, M.A., elected, 

Laizemont, D. H. de, 82 

La Jonquiere. 73 

Lally, Mr., 315 

La Loe, Philippe. See Loe 

Lamande (Larmande), Jean Louis, 

348 ped., 351 
Lamont or de Lamont, Abbe, 63, 70, 84 

— Robert, 74 

Lamothe, Sieur de, 258. Cp. Delamotte 

and Motte 
Landrin, M., archivist of Calais, 238 
Langdale, Lord, 346 
Langey, Marquis de, 85 
Langle, de. See Angle 
Langlois family, 339 
Languedoc, 172. 213 

— emigrants from, to Ireland. 127 

— refugees from. 333 

Lannoy, Peter de, papermaker, 203. 

Cp. Delanoy 
La Noue. See Noue 
Lansdowne, Lord, 319, 321, 333 
La Penissiere. See Penissiere 
la Pierre. See Pierre 
La Place. Daniel Chaise. See Place 
La Primaudaye. See Primaudaye 
Larabryen, 133 
Larah, 117 

F * 



Larm.mde. See Lamande 
la Roche. See Eoche 
La Roche - Foucauld. See Roche- 

La Rochelle, 172 ; documents from the 
Protestant registers of, 253 ; Pro- 
testantism in, 259 : ministers of, 
82 ; committed to the Bastille, 
75, 76 ; siege of, 168, 356. 372 

La Roque. See Roque 

Laroque, Anthony. 376 note 

— Cabrol de. See Cabrol 
Larroque D'Agneau. See Agneau 
Lart. Charles E., The State of French 

Protestant* after 1685, by, 249- 
263 ; paper read by, 223 

— Charles de, Sievtr de la Coste- 

Grezeres, -256 

— Etienne de, sieur de Bere et de la 

Cour-Grezeres, 256 note 

— Francois de, 256 note 
Laspois, Jeanne Cath. de, 348 ped. 

— Cp. Ja^poix, Aspois and Goux 
Latimer, Hugh. Bishop of Worcester. 


La Touche. See Touche 
La See. Tranchee 
Latrinque, Sieur de. See Poncet 
Lausanne, 128, 133 
Lautrec, — , 84 
Laval, — , 279 

— Etienne Abel. 36, 39 
Lavergne, Marie, 380 

Law, codification of. Bomilly's views 

on, 335, 336 
Layard family. 390 

— Miss, 280 

Le Bailly. See Bailly 

le Barbier. See Barbier 

Le Bas. See Bas 

le Bastard. See Bastard 

le Beaupin. See Beaupin 

le Blanc. See Blanc 

Le Boindre. See Boindre 

le Caion. See Caion 

Le Camus. See Camus 

Le Caron. See Caron 

le Chenevix. See Chenevix 

le Clerc. See Clerc 

Le Coq. See Coq 

Le Danois. See Danois 

Le Fanu, Thomas Philip, The Hu- 
guenot Churches of Dublin and 
their Ministers, by, 87-139 ; paper 
read by, 4 

Lefebvre, le Febvre, Jean, 20, 35 

— Madame, 86 

le Franc. See Franc 
Lefroy family, 389 

— Miss Grace, elected, 299 

Lefroy, Walter J. M., elected, 297 
Le Goux. See Goux 
Le Grand. See Grand 
Legrand, Pierre, buccaneer, 171 
le Gros, Jean. See Gros 
Leicester, 268 

— grammar scbool, 269. 270 
Lei^h, Richard Arthur Austen, elected. 


— paper read by, 295 

— Tlie Trench family in France and 

Ireland, with scone notes on the 
Clienevix family, by, 356-372 

Leipsic, battle of, 361 

Leith Hill, 333 

Le Maitre. See Maitre 

le Marchant. See. Marchant 

le Monnier. See Monnier 

Le Moyne. See Moyne 

Lemoyne family, 392 

— Anne, 392 

— Jeanne, 392 
TEnclos. See Enclos 
Leonard, Etienne, 3S1 
Lernot, — De, 56 

Le Roux. See Roux 

Le Roy. See Roy 
; Lescar, Bishop of, 252 
| Lescure, Jean, 131 
1 — de la Prade, Louis de, 28, 46 
j — Pierre, 27, 39, 56 
; — M. Rey, 340, 373 

Lespimii (Lespinay), Mile, de, 70. 84 

Les Spblons. See Sabions 

Lesturgeon, Isaac, 21. 23, 36 
; Letablere, Charlotte, 133 

— Daniel, 133 

[ . — Jean, 126, 133 

— Rene de la Douespe, 133 
Lewes, 267. 268 

Leyden, 122 

— University, 386 
L'Hirondelle. See Hirondelle 
1'Honorey. See Honorev 
Liddel, Mr., 314, a 15 
Liegeois, Jean Baptiste, 52. 56 
Lift'ord, — , his French regiment, 102 
Ligonier (de Ligonier), the family of, 

by Henry Wagner. F. 3. A.. 373 -384 

— de Montcuquet family, 258 

— arms, 374 note, 376 note, 611 )tott 

— Sieur de St. Etienne, 258 

— Abel, 253, 374, 376, 378, 331, 383, 


— Anne Louise, 379 

— de Bonneval, Anne Marie, 379 note. 

381 and note 
| — Anthony, 377 and note 
; — Rev. Anthony, 380 and note, 33i 

— Antoine, 373, 374, 380, 383, 334 



Ligonier de St. Jean, Antoine, 25S 

— de Yignals de Bonneval, Antoine. 

258, 259 

— Antoinette, 380 

— Charles, 379, 380 

— Cesar, 381 

— Charlotte Louise Henriette, 379 

— Daniel, 373-375, 381, 383 

— Daniel Henri, 378 

— David, 374 

— Edouard, 380 

— Edouard Anne Ernest, 379 

— Edward, Viscount Ligonier, 376 

note, 378 and note 

— Esther, 373 

— Frances, 378 

— - Francois Auguste, 378 and note 

— Gabriel de, 381 

— Henri, 3 ,"9 

— Henri Daniel, 379 

— Honore, 373 

— Isabeau, 374 

— Jacques de, 374, 380, 381, 383. 


— Jean, 373, 374, 380 

— Jean Louis, Earl Ligonier, 258. 

374 note, 376 and note, 377 and 
note, 384 ; his portrait by Rey- 
nolds, 384 note 

— Jeanne, 373 
-r- Judith de, 384 

— Laure, 380 

— Leontine, 380 

— Louis, 374, 376, 381, 383 . 

— Louis Gabriel, 382 

— Louis Godefroy de, 379 

— Madeleine, 381 

— Marguerite, 373, 382 and note, 383 


— Marie Marguerite, 375 and note, 

378 note 

— Mary, Lady Ligonier, 378 and note 

— Penelope de, 377 and note 

— Penelope Pitt, Lady Ligonier, 378 

and note 

— Pierre Louis, 382 

— Sarah, 384 

— Suzanne, 374 

— Thomas Balfour, 378 
Lighthouse on Skerries rock, 358, 


Lilo, M. de, 83 
Limerick, siege of, 109 
Limeville, Marie de, 348 ved. 
Limoges, enamelling in, 349 

— enamels, 353, 354 

Limousin, paper manufacture in, 200 
Limousin, Leonard, 349 ; portraits in 

enamels by, 353, 354 
Lindau, 180 

Lindfield, 26P 

Linen manufacture by French 

refugees in Ireland, 125, 366 
Lions, Jean, 24, 26, 29 

— Nicholas, 24 
Lisburn, 12G 

Lismore cathedral, treasurer of, 92 

— diocese of, 366, 368 
Litton, Charlotte. 133 

— Edward. 133 

Lloyd, Elizabeth, 377 note 

— Francis, 377 note 

Loche, Blosset de. See Blosset 
Loches, Anjou, 86 ; Huguenots im- 
prisoned at, 76, 80 
Lock, Frederica Augusta, 382 note 

— William, 382 note, 383 note 
Locke, John, 320 

Loe, Philippe la, 45 
Loftus, Dr. Dudley, 94 
Loire, — de, 83 
Lolonriois, — , buccaneer, 171 
Lombard (le jeune). A.. 44 

— Andre, 24, 20, 29. 75 

— Jean, 32, 34. 35, 38 
Lonbier, Louis, 343 

London, 82 ; Bishop of, 16, 17, 
19, 22, 25, 43 note, 46, 112, 
128, 332 ; and the Huguenot 
Churches, 91 ; Blackwall Hall, 
390 ; Bridewell, 194 ; British 
Institution, 161, 163 ; British 
Museum, 390 ; Buckingham 
Palace, pictures at, 159 

Churches : St. Benet's, Paul's 
wharf, 393 ; Dutch Church 
of the Austin Friars, 18 ; 
St. James, Chapel Boyal, 46, 47, 
128 ; St. Martin Orgars united 
with St. Clement's, Eastcheap, 
31 ; St. Paul's Cathedral, 128 ; 
Salters' Hall Chapel, 31 ; Stepney 
Church, 29, 52 

Corporation and the collecting of 
rags for paper, 192-194 ; Covent 
Garden Theatre, view of, 159 ; 
executions in. 321 ; French 
Prophets' Meetings in, 59 

French Protestant Churches, Gene- 
ral Assemblies of, 37. 40 ; materials 
for history of French Protestant 
Churches of, 15 ; French Non- 
conformist Churches in, 16 ; 
French Chiirclies in, Notes cm 
tlie Sites and History of, by G. B. 
Beeman, 13 ; French Protestant 
Churches : registers of, 15 ; minute 
books of Consistorial Meetings of, 
15 ; earlier uses of, 14 ; and the 
Bishop of London, 91 ; Church in 



Artillery Lane (L'Artillerie), 30, | 
50-52, 128, 137 [and see below, \ 
Petticoat Lane) ; French Baptist 
Church, 58 ; Bell Lane, Spital- 
fields, 50, 52 ; Berwick Street, 345 ; ! 
Blackfriars, 40, 41 ; Brown's Lane, 
61 ; Castle Street, 37 ; Chapel ! 
Royal (see below St. James's Palace 
Chapel) ; Charenton Church gal- j 
leries, 113 ; Le Petit Charenton, j 
58 (and see below Newport 
Market) ; Cook's Lane, Swanfields, 
53; Crispin Street, 40, 42-46, ! 
50-52 ; Cygnet Street, 53 ; Glass- j 
house Street Church, Piccadilly, 
16, 23, 25, 27-29, 34, 107, 117; 
l'Eglise des Grecs (now St. Jean ! 
de Savoie, Shaftesbury Avenue), j 
20-22, 44, 391 ; original church, j 
22 ; • lecturer ' of, 22 ; site of, 22 ; j 
l'Hopital or l'Eglise Neuve, Spital- ! 
fields, 15, 18, 19; Hoxton, 16, 
55, 343 ; Hungerf ord Market, after- j 
wards Castle Street (La Eondo- 
lette), 32-37, 55, 117, 389 ; Jewin [ 
Street, 15, 19, 33, 35, 37, 38; 
Leicester Fields Church, 24, 34, j 
35, 37, 38, 57, 107, 117, 343; 
Le Marche de Spitalfields, 50 ; | 
Marylebone, 14, 16 ; Newport j 
Market House (afterwards Le Petit i 
Charenton, q.v.), 28, 41, 44, 48, 1 
49, 107 ; l'Eglise Nouvelle, Spital- ! 
fields, 51; La Patente, City, 39, j 
40; La Patente, Soho, 25, 27, 29, I 
40, 42, 43 note, 44, 50; L'Ancienne 
or La Vieille Patente, Soho, 39, j 
42, 43 ; La Patente, Spitalfields, 
39-41, 44, 45, 50-52, 59, 105, ' 
110, 122, 128, 129 ; Pearl Street, ! 
30, 45, 46; Pest-house, 57; 
Petticoat Lane, Spitalfields (after- j 
wards L'Artillerie. q.v.), 23, 25, i 
26, 28, 29, 30; Piccadilly, 32, 
38 (and see belmv, St. James's . 
Square) ; La Piramide or La j (see below,\Yest Street); ; 
Quaker Street, 49 : Le Quarre | 
(Soho), 33-39, 45. 81, 116, j 
117, 343, 345 (and see Soho ! 
Square) ; ' Les Quatres Eglises | 
Unies,' 37 ; Eiders' Court, Leicester j 
Fields, 25, 28, 29, 48, 49 ;' Eose 
Lane, 50, 53 ; Chapel Royal of St. 
James's Palace, 29, 46, 47, 128, 386; 
St. James's Square, afterwards ! 
Swallow Street, Piccadilly, 20, 22, 1 
26, 33, 35, 37 (and see Piccadilly 
and Swallow Street) ; Consistory 
of, 37 ; St. Jean, Spitalfields, 16, 

23, 25, 27-29, 41; site of, 23; 
ministers of, 24; St. Martin's 
Lane, 28, 49, 386-390 ; St. Martin 
Orgars (sometime La Nouvelle 
Eglise, L'Eglise du Cite, L'Eglise 
d'Aldermanburv), 31, 32, 33, 37, 
43, 51, 129, 391 ; Savoy Chapel, 
15, 1G, 19-23, 26, 27, 30-38, 43, 
45, 47, 71, 91, 94, 98, 119, 341, 
312; site of, 20; ministers of, 
20, 21 ; Soho Square (Le Quarre. 
q.v.), 15, 18, 25, 27, 32. 47, 48; 
Somerset House. 19, 47, 48, 91 ; 
Spring Gardens Chapel, 15, 22, 
33, 36 ; site of, 22 ; 1 lecteurs ' 
of, 23 ; Swallow Street. 117, 342, 
390 (and see Piccadilly and St. 
St. James's Square) ; Swantields, 
53 ; Tabernacle, Milk Alley, Soho, 
25-27 ; Le Temple, 342, 3S0 note. 
388; Threadneedle Street. 15, 16. 
18, 19, 23, 26, 27, 29, 30, 41, 42, 49, 
50, 99, 107, 109. 112, 342, 343; 
Threadneedle Street, registers, 
148 ; ' Les Trois Eglises Unies.' 
37 ; Wapping, 16, 23, 48, 58; 
West Street (La Piramide or La 
Tremblade), 35, 37, 43-46, 48, 49. 
122 ; Wheeler (Willow) Street, 
Spitalfields, 41. 48, 52 
, French refugees in, 255 ; German 
Lutheran congregation in, 46 ; 
Glovers' Hall, Beech Street, Bar- 
bican, 40 ; Greek Colony in, 22 ; 
Guildhall Library, 15 ; Honey 
Lane Market House, 31 ; Hospital 
of St. Anthony, 18 ; Lady Mayoress, 
389; National Gallery, foundation 
of, 160 ; Newgate prison, 332 ; 
Old Artillery Ground, 344 ; paper 
mills in, 204, 205 ; Papermakers' 
Company, 202-206, 208-217; 
Houses of Parliament, enamel 
painting of, 350 

Spitalfields, 39, 40, 49, 52 ; French 
refugees' almshouses in, Id ; 
Market house, 51 ; St. Mary's. 52 ; 
Bell Lane, 52, 53 ; Brick Lane, 
19 ; Brown's Lane (now Han-bury 
Street), 51; Church (Fournier) 
Street, 19 ; Crispin Street, 39, 52 ; 
Grey Eagle and Black Eagle 
Streets. 18; Wheeler Street, 41; 
Three Crowns Court in Wheeler 
Street, 41 ; Wentworth Street, 52 

Streets : Addle Street, Alderman- 
bury, ' Brewers' Hall ' in, 31 ; 
Bath Street, 57 ; Blackfriars, 31, 
40; Bloomsbury Square, 317; 
Bull and Mouth Street, 18; 



College Hill, Cannon Street, 
chapel of Buckingham in, 31 ; 
Commercial Road. 41 ; Cooks : 
Lane, Swanrields, 53 : Finch 
Lane, IS ; Fleur de Lys Street, I 
41 ; Fryar Street, 40 ; Gower 
Street, 325 and note ; Gravel 
Lane, now Middlesex Street, 29; 
Great Russell Street, 205; Hol- 
bom Gate, 317; Jewin Street, 
Aldersgate Street, the 4 Cockpit ' 
in, 31 ; Lisle Street. 28 ; Lizard 
Street, 57 ; Long Acre, 300 ; Par- 
liament Court, Artillery Lane, 
29 ; Paternoster Row, "39, 40 : 
Petticoat Lane. Boar's Head Yard 
in, 29 ; Radnor Street. 57 ; Rich- 
mond Street, 57 ; Rose Alley or 
Court, Rishopsgate Street. 53 ; 
Russell Court, 161 ; Russell Square. 
338 ; St. Martin's le Grand. 18 ; 
Serjeant's Inn, 390 ; Simpson's 
Gardens, Gravel Lane, 58 ; Slaugh- 
ter Street, 53; Walbrook, 388. See 
also London (Spitalfields above) ; 
Marylebone ; Westminster 

The Thatched House Tavern, 161 

Water supply, 184 

See also Bow, Chelsea, Hackney. 
Hammersmith, Hoxton. Isling- 
ton, Marylebone, Stepney, West- 

Long, Sir Charles, Lord Farnborough. 

portrait of, 160 
Longford, Lord (1692). Ill 
Longueville, Henry, papermaker, 203 
L'Oste or de 1'Astre, Charles de, 58 

— Jacques de 1', 20 

Louis XIII., King of France, death of ,249 

— jeweller to, 349 

Louis XIV., King of France, 62 

— character of, 64, 66 

— letter of, 70 

— letter addressed to, 256 

— and Mme. de Montespan, 64, 65 ; 

and Mme. de Maintenon, 64, 65 

— his navy, 168 

— and Petitot, 350 

— his policy, 249, 252 

— enamel portrait of, 351 
Louis XVI. , King of France, 317 
Louvigny, Henriette de, 348 peel. 
Louvois, author of * The Dragonnades,' 

66, 67, 68 

Luard, Captain C. Eckford, elected, 299 

— Peter, 81 ; his wife Elianor de 

Cahanei, 81 ; their son Peter 
Abraham, 81 

— Major Richard Cham beriin, elected, 


Ludlow, 340 peel. 
Lussignea, Alfred, elected, 145 
Lutheran congregation, London, 46 
Luxembourg, Due de, enamel portrait 

of, 351 
Lyons, 389 

MacCall, Annie Palmer, 340 pcd. 

— Lieut. -Col. George, 340 ped. 
Mackintosh, Sir James, 331, 333 
McNeill, Swift, 363 

Madan, his ' Thoughts on Executive 

Justice.' 321 
Madiane. See Boud'ard 
Maguire, Dr. T. Miller, lecture by, 145 
Mahony, P. G., Cork Herald, querv 

_ by, 391 
Maidstone Museum, 384 note 
— ■ paper manufacture in, 199 
Maintenon, Mme. de, 64, 65, 66, 67, 

74, 85, 252 ; enamel oortrait of. 


Maitre, Veuve le, 82 
Majendie, Jean Jacques, 21 
Majolier, Edouard, his death, 304 
Majou, Jereme, 34 

— Philippe, 109 

Malaeart, St. Julien de. See St. Julien 
Malesherbes, 322 
Mallet, — . 84 

— Mme., 74, 84 

Mallortie, (Malortie, Malhortie) 
family, 393 

— de Villars, General de, 393 

— Adam, 393 

— David, 393 

— Elizabeth, 393 

— de Villars, Baron Ernest Charies 

von, 393 

— Guillaume, 393 

— Isaac, 393, 394 

— Jacques, 393 

— James, 393 

— Lydia Henrietta. 393 

— Peter, 393 
Malno, M., 70 

de, 83 

Manez, Dennis, 209 
Mangin, Margaret. 138 
Manier, Marie, 348 ped. 

— Theodore, 348 ped. 
Mann, Dr., his catechism, 126 
Mans, 116 

Mansfield. Lord, 317 
Marbeuf. Desboucheris. papermaker. 

Marc, Jean Billon de la, 22 
Marcet, Alexander John Gaspard, 340 

— Jane, 340 ped. 



Marcet, Sophia. 340 ped. 
Marchand, — , 24 
Marchant family, 304 

— Eruily Iclonea Sophia le. 340 ped. 

— General Sir John Gaspard le, 340 


Marck (Marq) Huguenot Church at, 

238-248 passim 
Marcoinbes, Louis, 26. 30 
Margas, 83 

Margetson, Thomas, M.D.. 95 

Marie Antoinette, 317 

Marie Louise d'Orleans, enamel por- 
trait of, 351 

Marietta, Francis, of Spitalfields, 81; 
his wife Anne de Cahanel, SI ; 
daughters of. SI 

Mar of s version of the Psalrns, 97 

Marsh, Archbishop, of Dublin, 93-98, 
110, 113, 118, 120, 123, 127, 128 

Marshall, Edward, 189, 194, 195 

— Dr. G. W.. his death, 151 
Martin. — , 314 

— Michel. 26 

Mary II., Queen of England, 36, 59 
Marylebone, 389 

— French Protestant Church at, 56, 57 

— streets : Beaumont Mews, 56 ; Beau- 

mont Street. 56 : Devonshire 
Street. 56 ; High Street, 56, 313, 
315 ; Weymouth Street, 56 

Mascaron, Jules, Bishop of Agen, 256 

Masclari, — , ^4 

Massas, Baissade de. See Baissade 
Massonais (Massonaye), Bodinais de 
la, 392 

— Gille de la, 392 

— Guillemette de la, 392 

— Nanette de la, 392 
Masson, Philip. 41 

Massue, Henri de. Marquis de Euvigny, 

340 ped., 389 
Massy, Nicolas, 21 
Matte, Francois, 340 ped., 341 
Matte or Matthey. Elias. 55 
Matthews. James, 209 
Matthey, Captain C. G.B., elected, 223 
Maty, Dr. Matthew, 385, 390 
Maty, Paul, 390 
Maule, Anne, 348 ped. 

— Henry, Bishop of Dromore. 128 

— James, 348 ped. 

— Jane, 348 ped. 

— Lettice, 348 ped. 

— Thomas, 348 ped. 
Maurice, Frederic, 369 

Mauries de St. Julien. Fanny de, 379 
Mauvoy, Marie de, 348 ped. 
Mauzv, Samuel, 21, 32, 33, 47 
Maxwell, Captain, 337 

Maxwell-Lyte, Sir Henry C. F.S.A.. 

elected, 145 
May, James do., papeimaker, 201-203 

— John Coleridge Frampton, 340 ped- 

— Margaret Noel, 340 ped. 
Mayerne, Turquet de, 350 
Mayeu, Jean, 47 
Mazainet, 388 

Mazarin, Cardinal, 69 
Mazars, Noe, 55 
Mazcres, 107 
Maziere, Mr., 88 

— Benjamin de, Sieur du Passage er 

dc Voutron, 99 

— Francoise Susanne de. 99 
Meath, Bishop of, 123, 358 
Meaux. the eagle of. Sic Bossuet 
Medici, Marie de, 240, 242 
Meeking, — , 120 

Meillant, Jacqueline de, 388 
Meinier. Marie de, 384 
Mekill, — , 120 
Melon. — , 86 
Melonniere, — de la, 84 

— his French regiment, 102 
Menard, Jean, 47 

— Philippe. 47 

Merceron, Henry, his death, 150 
Mercier, Nicholas. 205 
Meredith, Sir Charles, 106 
Merrikin. Mrs , 205 
Meslin, M., 33 

Mesman, Daniel, his pictures, 164 
Mesnage, — , Seigneur dc Cagny, 83 
Mestr^zat, Gaspard, 348 ped. 

— Pernette, 348 ped. 
Metz, 364 
Meusnier, — . 83 

Meyrac, Seigneur de. See Ducasse 
Mezerac, Charlotte de. 348 ped. 
Middelburg, 26, 30. 128. 129 
Middlesex, paper manufacture in, 215 
Middleton, Edward, papermaker, 203 
Mieg, Jean Gaspard. 26, 30 
Migill, -. 120 

Mignard. his portrait of De la Keynie, 

Mildmay, Sir Walter, 183 
Mill, — , 333 
Mills, Cornelia. 389 

— Lacretia, 389 

— Marv, 389 

— Matthew, 389 

— Peter Andrew. 389 
Milnes, Richard. 369 

Minet, William, F.S.A., elected presi- 
dent, 12 

— paper read by. 224 

— presidential addresses by, 150, 230. 




Minet, W., Catholics and Huguenots in \ 
the Calaisis in 1612, by, 237-248 j 
Minto, Lord. Sec Elliot 
Miquelon, 175 

Mirabeau, 319, 320, 322, 323 
Miremont, Colonel, 387 

— his regiment of dragoons, 102 
Mirrielees, John, 340 peel. 

— Margaret Philip, 340 peel. 
Misson, —.36 

Missy, Cesar de, 21. 47 
Moens, W. J. C 292 
Mohill, 117 

Molinier, Anthony. 387 

— Charles. 3_J 

— Gabrielle, 387 

— James, 387 

— Marie, 387 

Mollin, J., de Montagny. See Montagny j 
Monceau, Isaac de, 389 

— Susanne de, 389 
Mondigny. Elizabeth de, 348 peel. 
Monnier, Jean le, 58 

Monsallier, Anna Maria de, 343, 344 ! 

— Anne de, 340 ped* 

— Elizabeth de. 344 

— Francis de (Demonsallier), 340 jJCil, j 


— Judith de, 340 ped., 343 

— Lucy de, 343 j 
Montagny, J. Mollin de, 51 
Montauban, Consistory of. 83 
Montbar, — . bnccaneer, 172 
Montcenis, Justin de, 133 
Montcuquet, Ligonier de. See Li- 


Montespan, lime; de, 64, 65 
Montford. 390 
Montginot, — de. 83 
Montgomery, Lord, 358 

— Margaret, 358 
Montgommery, 251 
Montignac, Jean Joseph de, 57 
Montlezun de Besmans. See Besmans 
Montmorency, — de, 84. 
Montolieu de St. Hippolite, David de. 

385, 387 

— Elizabeth de, 387 
Montolieu, Louis Charles de, 387 

— Pierre de, 387 

Montpeilier, 86, 312 note, 340-342. 
374, 381, 383 

— Consistory of, 82 I 

— Temple at. 82 

Monts, — de, governor of Acadia, 172 
Moors baptised at Caen, 251 
Morges. 137 j 
Morin, Jean Francois, 387 

— Marie Louise, 386 
Morland, George, 159 

Morris, James Pemberton. 340 ped. 

— Kosa Gardiner. 340 ped. 

— Thomas, 211 
Morteinart, Duchess of, 66 
Mossard, Alexandre. 348 ped. 
Mothe (Motte), M. de la. 118. 119 

— Baron Charles de la, Sieur de Saint- 

Pierre a Sois.-ons, 83 

— Claude Gro-teste de la, 20. 32, 34, 

35. 38 

— Joseph de la, 24. 26, 29,32,34,35.3? 

— Cp. Delamotte and Lamothe 
Moulin, M. du, 126 

Mouline, Robert de la. See Robers 

Mountrath, 129 

Moyglare, 110 

Moyne. Le, family, 173 

— d'Iberville, — Le, 173 

— Abraham Le, 51, 56. See also L*- 

Mudrie, Mr., 21 
Mullingar, 92 
Murray, Anne, 378 

— Elizabeth, 3«7 

— Dr. Gideon, 387 
Mutiny Bill (1806), 328 
Muysson, Jacques, 348 ped. note 

— Rev. James (Jacques) Theodore, 21, 

47, 385-387 

— Philip, 3S7 

Mylne, Mrs., elected, 295 
Mynden, Bridget, 205 

Namuk, 375 
Nantes, 253 

— Edict of, its effect on France as a 

military power, 167 

— — its effect on Huguenot historv, 


Revocation of, 61 

— — — preparations for. 252. 253 

— — — its effect on French indus- 

tries, 200 
Napoleon Buonaparte, 324. 325, 369 

— — and -seaqoower, 166 
Narraghmore, 117 
Naseby, Battle of, 350 

National Gallery. See wider London 
Naturalisation of French refugees to 

Ireland, 127 
Navan, 129 
Necker, 323 

Nelson, Horatio, Lord, 368 
Ners, Dolon de. See Dolon 
Neufchatel, 128, 136, 387 
New Orleans, 160 
New River Company, 312 note, 344 
Newman, Cardinal, the Fourdrinier 
family and, Notes on, 291, 391 



Newport, Lord, 127 

Newton, North, paper-mill at, 179 note j 

Newtown Lennan, 92 

Nez, — de, 85 

Nicholson, family, 312 note 

— Douglas Romilly Lothian, 340 ped. j 

— Sir Lothian, 340 ped. 

— Mary, 340 ped. 

— Sybil Edith Mary, 340 ped. 
Nicout, Bernard, 36 

Nimes, Consistory of, 82 
Niort, 135 
Nismes, 387 

Noel, Lady Catherine, 38 I 

— Hon. James, 384 

— Thomas, Lord Wentworfch, 378 note 
Noliet, —,15 

— Michel Eloy, 47, 57 
Nooswyck, Constance van, 375 note 
Norfolk, Duke of, 333 
Normandy. Reformation in, 250 
Northington, Earl of. See Henley 
Northumberland, 357 

Norton, Colonel. 215, 216 
Nottingham, 366 
Noue, — La, 251, 278 
Noyers, — des, 32, 34, 35, 38 
Nyon, 138 


Ogee de St. Colombe. See St. Colombe 

Oke, Alfred W., elected, 299 

Olbreuse, Madame d', 85 

Olier, Marie d', 383, 384 

Olivier (Ollivier), Daniel, 20, 33, 45 

— Jeremie, 20, 26, 30 
Orange, Prince of, 361, 365 
Orleans, 369 

— the Duke of, 99 
Ormonde, Duchess of, 91, 96 

— Duke of, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96 
Ortie, Andre de 1\ 20 
Ossory, Bishop of, 127 

' Osterby,' paper manufacture at, 178, 

Osterwald, Jean Frederic, 136 

— Louis, 136 

Otter, Caroline Charlotte, 340 ped. ; 

— Nancy, 340 ped. 

Otter, 'William, Bishop of Chichester, 
340 ped. 

Ouvry family, 312 note 

Overend, George H., F.S.A., 280; j 
Notes on the earlier history of 
the Manufacture of Paper in 
England, by, 177-220 j 

Oxford University, 342 

Oxfordshire, paper manufacture at, 215 j 

Oxmantown, the King's Hospital. 104 

Page, — , 348 ped. 

Pages (or Page), Lucy, 343 

— Rev. Solomon, 343 
Pain, Hannah, 135 
Painblanc, Jean Albert. 36 
Paine, Tom, 320 
Palairet, Elie, 24 

R. C. N., elected, 296 
Palatine, Charlotte Elizabeth, Princess, 

Pallard, Jacob, 110, 134 

Palmer, Mr., 100 

Palmerston, Lord, 370 

Paper Manufacture in England, Notes 

on the earlier, 177-220 
Churchyard's lines on, 183-186 

— earliest specimens of, 178 and note 

— use of, under Henry VIII., 179 
Pardailian, Comte de, Louis XIV. "s 

lieutenant in Poiton, 73 
Parent, Jacques, 39, 55 
Paris, 71, 82, 83, 317, 320, 321, 323, 

324, 334, 369 

— the Bastille, 62, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75. 

76, 78, 79 
Archives of, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 

68, 69, 75 
capture of, 60 

— — Governor of. See Besmans 

— — Huguenots in. by Dr. J. H. 

Philpot, 60-86 

— numbers of Huguenots com- 
mitted to, 76 

used as a means of conver- 
sion, 76 

— the Chatelet, 84 

— English agent in, 75 
Ambassador in, 71 

— Parliament of, 76, 82 

— — Procureur - General of. See 


— Protestants or Huguenots of, 67, 

68, 77 

— St. Severin, 344 

— the Sorbonne, 72, 74 
Parker, Mr3., elected, 144 
Parnell, Charles Stewart, 104 
Parr, Dr., 272, 334 
Parvisol, — , 55 

Pascall, Alfred, elected, 295 

Passy, 318 

Paterson, Mr., 314 

Pay, du, family, 392 

Pechell, Sir A. Brooke, elected, 4 

Pechels, Colonel, 377 note 

Peel, Sir Robert, 334 

— his pictures, 160 

— portrait of, 160 
Pegorier, Cesar, 24, 26, 29 
Pelletreau, Daniel, 135 



Pelletreau. Jacques. 125. 126, 129-132, 

— Marianne, 136 

— Susanne, 136, 133 

Peltier, James, papermaker, 203 
Pembroke, Earl of, 19 
Penieaud, Jean, 349 
Penissiere, Mme. de la, 73 

— M. Julliot de .a, 73, 86 
Pepys, Samuel, 117 
Peray, Marquis de, 8-5 
Percival, Spencer, 327 
Perdrian, Eachel, 393 
Perer (de Peres), Marie, 105 
Perrault de Sailly-. See Sailly 
Persecutions of Huguenots, 249-263 

Perny, Bernard, 15, 47, 57 
Perreau, B., papermaker, 203 
Perrin, Pierre, 24, 26 
Pesmes. See Pismes 
Pesson, — , 85 
Peter, William, 328 
Petit des Etans, Louis, 388 

— Susanna Judith, 388 
Petit Bosc, Anne de, 348 ped. 
Petitot, Jean, by Cyril Davenport, 


Petitot family pedigree, 348 ped. 

— Andre, 348 ped. 

— Anne, 348 ped. 

— Anne Madeleine. 348 ped., 351 

— Anne Mrrguerite, 348 ped. 

— Auguste, 348 ped. 

— Benjamin, MS pied. 

— Caroline, 348 ped. 

— Caterine, 348 ped. 

— Charles, 348 ped. 

— Charlotte, 348 ped n 351 

— Esther, 348 ped. 

— Estienne, 351 

— Faule, 348 and ped.. 349 

— Francois, 348 ped., 351 

— Guyon, 348 and ped. 

— Humbert, 348 ped. 

— Isaac, 348 ped. 

— Jacques. 348 ped. 

— Jean, 348-355 passim ; character 

of his enamel work, 354 

— Jean Baptists, 348 ped. 

— Jeanne, 351 

— Joseph, 343 ped. 

— Louis, 348 ped. 

— Lucy, 348 ped. 

— Madeleine Caterine, 348 ped. 

— Magdeleine, 348 ped., 351 

— Marguerite, 348 ped. 

— Marie, 343 ped. 

— Paul, SiS ped., 351 

— Pierre, 348 ped. 

Petitot, Stephen. 348 ped. 

— Sulpice Henry, 34S ped. 

— William, 348 ped. 
Pettit, John, papermaker, 203 

Peze de Galinieres, Pierre. See Gal 

Philbrick. — , 292 
Philpot, Ann, 267, 270 

— Rev. Charles and his ' History : 

the Huguenots,' 264-279 

— Elizabeth, 267 

— George, 267 

' — Dr. J. H., paper read by, 225 
A Lost History of the Huguenot 

by, 264-279 
Huguenots in the Bastille, h 


— Sarah, 267 

— Stephen, 267, 268 
Picart, M., 391 

Picart de la Ferte family, 344 

— Anna Maria, 343, 344 

— Eev. Samuel, 343, 344 
Pickersgill, — , portrait by, 161 
Pielat, Phinees Philibert, 24 
Piercetown, 92 

Pierre, — la, 23 

— Etienne la, 93 

— Prudence la, 93 
PifTard, Bernard, elected, 224 
Pigeon. — , 85 

Pigou and Andrews, Messrs., 196 

— de la Grandnoue, David, 106 
Pike and Edsall, Messrs., 195, 196 
Pinson, M., 251 

Pismes (Pesmes) Francois Louis d 
Seigneur de St. Saphorin, 3S: 
and note 

Pitcher, Colonel D. G., elected, 295 
Pitt, George, Lord Rivers, 114, 31 
and note 

— Lady Penelope, 378 and note 

— William, 311, 315, 325, 326, 329 

— William, Earl of Chatham, 311. 31 
Place, Daniel Chaise La, 43, 44, 45 

— Francis, 334 
Planck, Anthony, 390 

— Peter, 390 

— Lewis, 385, 390 

Planeis, Alche des. See Alche 

Plasse, Jean Jacques, 373 

Plauchut, David. 82 

Plymouth, French Church at, 24 

Poddle, river, 132 

Poisons, Affair of the, 65, 69 

Poitiers, 253 

Poitou. 84 

— Louis XIV.'? lieutenant in. St 


— paper manufacture in, 200 



Poitou, Protestant Churches in, 302 

— — nobles of, 83 

— Protestants in, 74 

— Lower, S3 

Poland, King and Queen of. See 

Poneet, Jean da, Sieur de Latrinque, 

— John Louis du, 377 note 

— Louise du, 376 

— Susanne du. 377 note 

— William du. 377 note 

— Cp. Duponcet 
Pons, Mile., 107 

M., 107, 108 

— Jacques Samuel, 21, 30 

— Jean, 28. 48, 40 
Ponse. M., 107 
Ponsonbv, Mr., 361. 362 
Pont, M., 107 
Pontar, 120 
Pontgrave. — . 172 
Porson, Eichard, 272 

Portal, Sir William W., elected presi- 
dent, 301 

— Sir Wyndham S., his death. 150. 151 
Portariington. 134, 135, 361, 364, 380 


— corporation seal, 259 

— French Church, 105, 107. 110 

— refugees at, 113 

Porter, Charles. Lord Justice of 

Ireland. 110 
Portland, Duke of, 330 
Portraits in enamel, list of, 351 

— enamelled by Limousin. 353, 354 
Potter, Elizabeth, 348 ped. note 
Poutrincourt, Herbert. Baron de, 172 
Poyen, Jeanne Marie de. 379 

Prade, Louis de Lescure de la, 48, 49. 

50, 58 
Prat, Abel, 360 note 

— Catherine, 380 note 

— Peter. 380 note 

Prayer-book adopted by Dublin Hu- 
guenots, 93-96 
in Savoy Chapel. 91 

— English, translation of. by Durel, 


Prefonds, Girardot de. See Girardot 
Prefontaine, F. Papin, 49 
Prelleur, J., 58 
Prevost, — , 85 

— Albert, 93 

Prevost, Pierre Francois, 39 

— Eachel, 92, 93 
Prieur, Pierre. 348 ped. 
Prnnaudaye, Mrs. C. H. La, 340 ped. 
Primrose, Anne, Viscountess, 130 
Prince Edward Island discovered, 172 

Prisons, labours of Howard and Mr;;. 
Fry, 322. 332 

— state of French, 322 
Privat, —,41 

Prophecy among French refugees, 255 
Prophets' Meetings, French, 50 
Prouville. 112 

Psalms, versions of, used in Dublin 

Huguenot churches. 07 
Puech. Antoinette, 341 

— Catherine, 340 and ped., 341 

— Fleurette, 340 and ped.. 341 

— Jaques, 340, 341 

— Pierre, 340 and ped. 
Putney. 387 
Puylaurens. 104 
Pyne, Eichard, 111 

Quartieb, Jacques, 115 

— Jeanne. 116 

— Louis. 115, 119 

— Marguerite, 116 
Quebec, foundation of. 172 
Queenboronirh, 326. 340 ped. 
Quelch, Edward, 211 

Quergroode de Challais, Marie Louise. 

Quesnel. — . 257 

— Rene, 257 

— Susanne. 257 
Quetin, — , 261 
Quick, John, 341 

Eafuueau, Anthony, 90 

— Francois. 99 
Eaillard, Elizabeth. 112 
Ealeigh. Sir Walter. 186 
Bambaut. Arthur A., M.A., elected, 143 
Bambouiliet. Anne de. 348 ped. 

— Antoine de. 348 ped. 

— de la Sabliere, Nicolas, 84 
Eameru, Francoir Hugues de, 348 ped. 
Eaphoe, Bishop of, 123 

— Dean of. 359, 360 
Eapin, — , 86 
Eathangan. 133 
Eathbone. Benson, 340 ped. 

— Edith. 340 ped. 
Eathconneil. 92 
Eavaisson. Francois, 61 
Eavaud, Mark Anthony, 389 

— Mary Margaret, 389 

— Stephen David, 385, 389 
Eaven, Alec J., F.S.A., elected, 295 
Eavenel family, 392 

Eavenel, Marguerite, 392 
Eecamier, Madame, 325 
Eeformation in French Church, 250, 251 
Eefuge, Count de, 82 

— Countess de, 82 



Regiment, the French, 44 
Kep;nault, — , 86 

— Marin, papermaker, 201-203 
Reid, Miss D. Platel, elected, 297 
Reinsberg, 391 

Rembrandt, etchings by, 163 
Remigius, — , papermaker, 179, 18-5 
Renaissance, the Rev. Charles Phil- 
pot's work on, 274 
Renaudot, Jean, 3-3 
Renoult, Jean Baptiste, 3-5. 44, 46 
Re- ordination, Anglican, of Huguenot 

ministers, 97 
Requests, Court of, Castle Street 

Church used as, 35 
Retz, Cardinal de, 74 
Reynell, Richard, 111 

— Rev. William, B.D., 87 
Reynes, Elizabeth, 393 

Reynie, Nicolas de la. Lieutenant- 
General of Police, 63, 66, 08. 70, 
71, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80. 82, 83 

— policy of, 67 

— Mignard's portrait of. 69 
Ribeaut, Madame, 343 
Richard, — ,33 
Richelieu, Cardinal, 61 

— enamel portrait of, 351 
Richon, Bernard, 46, 55 
Riou, Admiral. 169 
Ripple, 266, 271, 276 
Rivals, Pierre, 24. 26, 29, 47 
Rive, Pierre de la, 348 ped. 

— Pierre Louis de la, 348 ped. 
Rivett-Carnac. Colonel John Henry. 

elected, 143 
Rivers, Lord. See Pitt 
Riviere, — . 55 

— Paul de la, 20 
Riviere. Evelvn, elected, 145 
Robert, — . 207 

— de la Mouline, Antoinette, 105 
Robert, Nicolas, 39 
Robertson, the historian. 277 
Robespierre, 323 

Roche, de la, families in Ireland. 114 

— M. de la, 105 . 

— Charles de la, 114, 115 

— Daniel de la, 115 

— John Ellas de la, 115 
Rocheblave, Henri de, 32, 34, 35, 38, 

55, 116-119 

— Pierre de. 47 

Rochebrune, Brunet de. See Brunet 
Roche Foucauld, La, 250 
Rochefoucauld. Due de la. enamel 

portrait of. 351 
Rochelle, La. See La Rochelle 
Rochester, Earl of, 213 
Rocquier, — , 82 

Rogers. Samuel. 333 

— William, 209 
Rogery, Sieur de. 258 
Roget, Mrs., 345 

j — Catherine, 310 ped. 

— Catherine. Mary. 345 

— Jean. 39 

f — Rev. John (Jean), 315-318. 322, 
340 ped., 345, 346 

— John Lewis, 345 

— Jean Marc, 340 ped. 
■ — Mary, 340 ped. 

: — Peter Mark, 340 ped. 

! — Samuel Romilly. A.M.Inst. C.E., 

elected, 297 
i Roland. — , 57 

j Romagnac, Colonel de, 105, 108 
! — Madame de, 105 
j — Elizabeth de, 105 
j Roman. Clauda, MS pied. 
[ Rome, 74 
Romilly Notes and Pedigree, by H. 
Wagner, F.S.A., 340-347" 

— family pedigree. Facing 340 

— ML, 318 

— Captain A. H., elected, 296 

— Alfred, 340 ped. 

— Alice Josephine, 340 ped. 

— Amelia, 340 ped. 

— Anne, 319. 340 ped. 

— Ann, her death, 338 

• , — Hon. Anne, 340 ped. 
\ — Annie Palmer. 340 ped. 

— Antoinette, M0 ped., 341 

— Hon. Arthur, 340 ped. 

— Arthur George. 340 ped. 

— Arthur Hovell. 340 ped. 

— Bertram Henry Samuel, 340 ped. 

— Caroline Catharine, 340 ped. 

— Caroline Charlotte, Lady Romillv, 

340 ped. 
| — Catharine Helen, 340 ped. 

— Caroline Jane, 340 ped. 

— Catherine, 313, 340 and ped. 

— Charles, 340 ped., 346 

— Charles Edward, 340 ped. 

— Charlotte Gerda, 340 ped. 

1 — Cicely Elizabeth, 340 ped. 

— Constance Felicity, 340 ped. 

— Cosmo, 340 ped. 

— Cosmo George, 340 ped. 

— Rev. Cuthbert Edward Reynolds, 

340 ped. 

— Cuthbert George, 340 ped. 

— Cuthbert Stephen, 3i0 ped. 

— Dorothea Katharine, 340 ped. 

— Dorothy Eileen, 340 ped. 

— Edith, 340 ped. 

I — Edith Grace, 340 ped. 

— Edith Mary, 340 ped. 



Eomilly, Edward. 340 ped. 

— Hon. Edward, SAO ped. 

— Eliza A., 340 pcd. 

— Elizabeth Mary, 340 ped. 

— Ellen Margaret, 340 ped. 

— Emily Idonea Sophia, Lady 

Eomilly, 340 ped. 

— Etienne (Stephen!. 340 and ped., 


— Flora, 340 ped. 

— Florence Sophie. 340 ped. 

— Francis, 340 j t i. 

— Francis Henry. 340 ped. 

— Francis John. 340 pcd. 

— Franeoise, 340 ped. 

— Frederick, 340 ped. 

— Frederic Carnegy, 340 ped. 

— Frederick William, 340 ped. 

— George, 340 ped. 

— George Thomas, 340 ped. 

— Gerda, 340 ped. 

— Gertrude Emily, 340 pcd. 

— Gwendoline Powys, 340 ped. 

— Helen Jemima, Lady Eomilly, 

340 ped. 

— Henry, 340 ped. 

— Hon. Henry, 340 ped. 

— Herbrand Alan, 340 ped. 

— Hugh Hastings. 340 ped. 

— Isaac. 340 ped., 345 ; his wife, 345 

— Jacques, 340 pcd., 341 

— Jane Anne, 340 ped. 

— Jean, 346 

— John, 340 ped. 

— John, Lord Eomilly, 340 ped., 346, 


— John Gaspar le Marchant, Lord 

Eomilly, 340 ped. 

— Joseph, 340 ped. 

— Eev. Joseph,' 340 ped. 

— Judith, 340 ped., 343 

— Hon. Lucy Henrietta, 340 ped. 

— Lucy Mary, 340 ped. 

— Margaret, 340 ped,, 344, 345 

— Margaret Catharine, 340 ped. 

— Margaret Noel, BA0 ped. 

— Margaret Philip, 340 ped. 

— Marguerite, 340 ped. 

— Maria Diana. 340 ped. 

— Martha, 340 ped. 

— Mary, 340 ped. 

— Hon. Mary; 340 ped. 

— Mary Louisa. 340 ped. 

— Maurice Cecil, 340 ped. 

— Michel Pierre, 340 ped. 

— Monica Blanchflower, 340 ped. 

— Nancv Herffiione, .340 ped. 

— Peter' 311-313, 318, 340 ped., 344, 


— Peter Mark, 345 

Eomilly. Peter Randolph, 340 ped. 

— Philip Francis. 340 ped. 

— Pierre, 340 av.d pcd. 

— Sir Samuel, by Sir W. J. Collin 

M.P., 310-347 

— Sir Samuel, portrait of. facing. 34 

— Samuel Henry. 340 ped. 

' — Samuel Joseph Maclean, BiO ped. 

— Samuel Thomas. 340 p?d. 

— Sophia, 340 pcd. 

— Sophie, 340 ped. 

— Sophie Katharine. 340 ped. 

— Hon. Sophie, 340 ped. 

j — Stephen. See Erienne above 
i — Svbil Edith Maw. 340 ped. 
i — Thomas, 313 
i — Thomas Peter. 340 ped., 345 
. — Violet Edith Grev. Lady Romi 1 
340 ped. 

— William, 340 ped. 

— Lord Eomilly? 312 note, 340 r-;i. 
I Eondoiet, Pierre, 35 

Eoque, Pierre la, 21 
Eoques, Jean, 44 
Eose. George, 328 
Eosel. J. J. du, 21 
Eossel. — , 111 

— Charles. 106. 110. Ill 

— Josue. 99, 101, 102 

Eotolp de la Devese family, 373. 37 

J — Abel, 373 note, 375 and note. 37 
note, 380 note 

— Abel Adiercron L>ieveze. 375 no 

— Artoine. 380 no:e 
i — Anthony de, 375 

— Isabeau de, 374 

— John Ladaveze. 375 note 

— Louis de, 377 and wte 

— de la Devese, Marie, 380 

i Eoubiliac. bust of Lord Ligonier b 

384 note 
\ Rouen, 78, 82, 86 

— the intendant at. 79 

— Parliament of, 250 

— refugees from, 393 
Eouire, Jean, 41 

; Eoumieu. — , 292 
j Eoure, Beauyoir du. See Beaavoir 
: Eousseau, Jean Jacques. 315, 318. 3*2 

I Eoussel, Mary, 365 
Eousselet, Mr., 22^. ' X) 
Roussiihon, Pierre. 32. 34. 35. 3^ 
Eoux de Eode. Thr->iore le. 348 pe> 
Eoy. Honoree le. 380 

— Marguerite le. 374 

— Martha le, 92, 93 

! Royaume, Etiennette. 348 ped., 349 
I — Pierre, MS ped. 



Koye, Comte de, So 
Roze family, 392 
Ruault, John, elected, 223 
Rubeck, Felix G., elected, 224 
Rubens, P. P., his landscape with 

' Rainbow,' 100 
Ruinat, Elias de, 94 
Rush, American ambassador, 335 
Russell, Alexander, 211 

— Elizabeth, 265 

— Georgiana, Duchess of Bedford, 

340 ped. 

— Lady Georgiana Elizabeth, MO ped. 

— John, Duke of Bedford, 540 ped. 

— Lord Jonn, 334 

— Rachell, Lady Russell, 340 ped. 

— William, 211 

Rutland, Duke of, picture of, 384 
Ruvigny, Marquis de. See Massue 

— Marquise de, 111, 117 

— Rachel de. Countess of South- 

ampton, enamel portrait of, 350 
Ruyter, Admiral de, 174 
Rye, French settlements at. 249 
Rylands, Mrs., her death, 304 

Sabliere, de la. See Rambouillet 
Sablons, — Les, his wife, 257 
Sabonadiere, Alfred, elected, 295 

— Jean Scipion, 21, 47, 56. 57 
Saeconex, 346 

Sackville, Lord George, 135, 365 
Sadleir. Frarcis, 360 

— Mary, 360, 361 

— Thomas, 360 

Sailly, Charles [Perrault] de, 385, 387 

— Isaac de, 387 

Sailors, French refugee, 168 
St. Amant, Mary Magdalen, 344 
St. Auban, Gui Pape de, 348 ped. 
St. Christophe, 112 
St. Colombe, Henri Oger de, 26, 30 
St. Etienne, Sieur de. See Ligonier 
St. Ferreol, Anne Henriette de, 105, 
106, 109 

— Charles de, 109 

— Jeanne de, 109 

— Paul de. 106, 109. 134. 136 
Saint Gelais, Marquis de, 85 
St. George, Colonel, 364, 368 

— Melesina, 364. 368, 369 
Saint-Hermine, Chevalier de, 85 
Saint-Hippolite. See Montolieu de 

St. Hippolite 
St Jean, Ligonier de. See Ligonier 
St. Jean, Sieur de, 381 note 

— de Yedas, — de, 86 

— de Turin, Jean Francois de, 379 
St. Juiien de Malacare, Aymee, 375 


St. Juiien de Malacare, Peter, 375 note 
St. Lawrence, Gulf of the. discovered. 

St. Leger, M., 385 

— family, 348 ped. note 
Saint L6, Lower Normandy, 77 

— Hotel-Dieu of, 79 

Saint Magloire, Seminary of, 75 
St. Malo, 172 

St. Margaret's-at-Cliffe, 264, 275, 276 

Saint-Murtin, — , 85 

St Paul, Marianne Bouquet de, 106 

— Pierre Bouquet de, 106, 119, 121. 

127, 133, 348 ped. Cp. Bouquet 
St. Pierre, 175 

— Sieur de. See Motte 
St. Ruth, 359 

St. Saphorin. See Pismes, Frangois 

Louis de 
Saint Simon, 67 
Salisbury. Bishop of, 332 

— Treasurer of. Sec Allix, Peter 
Salle, Jean de la, 41, 57 
Samson de Cahanel. See Cahanel 
Samsons, the, 69 

Sancerre, Huguenots of, 260 
Sandtoft, 19 
Saponnet, — de, 84 
Sara, M. de la, 114, 115 
Sarsfield, Count de, 322 
Satur, Thomas, 20 
Saumur, Chateau de, 85 

— University of, 55 

Saunders, Richard, papermaker, 203 
Saurin. Dean, 377 note 

— Jacques, 17, 42, 43, 341-343, 348 


— Louis, 20, 348 ped. 

— Nicolas, elected, 5 
Saussaye. Georges de la, 27 

— Jacques Georges de la, 30 
Sawyer, Sir Robert, attorney-general. 

Say, — , 58 

— Francois Samuel, 41, 51 
Scarborough, Richard. 365 
Scarlett, — , Lord Abinger, 324, 326. 


Schaub (Shaub), Amelia Henrietta. 
382 note 

— Frederica Augusta, 382 note 

— Sir Luke, 382 note, 383 
Schellbach, Flora, 340 ped. 

— Karl, 340 ped. 
Schenauver, Femme, 83 
Schickler, Baron Ferdinand de, 39, 40, 

43 note 
Schomberg, Marshal, 389 

— General Sir George A., his death. 




Schools established bv Dublin Husue- 

nots, 124-127. 231. 2S2 
Scoffier, Claude, 26. 30. 128 

— Louis Jean, 127-123. 132 
Scorbiac, Jean de. 374 
Scotch in Canada. 17-5 

Scotland, French r : • .-.-es in, 219, 220 

— paper manufacrire in. 219 •note 

— printing in. 219 
Secherye, — de la. So 
Seguier family, the, 157 

— — , 157. 158 

— Ann Magdalene. 159 

— David, 157, 158 

— Frederick, 159 

— Frederick Peter, 157. 158 

— John, 159, 160 note, 161, 163, 164 

— Madeleine de. 3-2 

— Margaret, 164 

— Peter, 158 

Seguier, William. First Keeper of the 
National Gallery, bv Lionel Cust. 
F.S.A.. 157-164 

Seignelay, — , 207 

— Marquis de, 63. 66. 67. 63. 70,79,80; 

father of. See Colbert ; sisters 

of, 66 
Serces : Jean, 47 
Servetus. 317 
Sery, Robert de, 57 
Severin, Elizabeth, 112 

— Jacques, 22 

— Jean. 55. 111-115. 118 
Seymour family. 312 note 

— Lady, 323. 327 

— Elizabeth Mary, 340 ped. 

— Sir Horace Alfred Darner, 3±0 ped. 
Shaftesbury, Lady, 384 

Shales, Robert, papermaker, 201-204 

Shaub. See Schaub 

Shaw. Dr. W. A., paper read by, 144 

Sheild, "William, 205 

Sherard, Ann, 394 

— George, 394 

— William, 394 

Shere, woollen manufacture of, 179 
Shrewsbury, the Earl of. 112 
Sicquerille. G. or G. de. 32. 34, 35. 38 
Siddons, Mrs., picture of, 100 
Sieves, Abbe, 323 

Silk manufacture by French refugee- 

in Ireland. 127 
Simon, — , painter, 350 

— (dit Triasnon), Jacques, 256 
Skerries rock lighthouse. 358, 359 
Slade, Eobert, 211 

Slaughter (or Sloushterj, Paris, 214, 

Slavery, abolition of, 328 

— Condorcefs work on, 313 

Slocombe. John. 211 
Smith, Adam, 320 

— Patrick, 366 

— Rev. Percival Clementi, 40 

— William, Trustee of the National 

Portrait Gallery, 163 
Sobieski. John, King of Poland, 
enamel portrait of. 352 

— — his wife, 353 

Sacie-fe Charitable, 131, 134. 280-290 

— pour les Protestants refugiez. 127 
Soissons, 83 

Somerton, 120 
Sophia, Electress. 64 
Sopwell Hall, 360 
Souchet, — . 42, 43 
Soulegre, Catherine, 339 

— Cornelia, 389 

— Peter, 385, 388, 339 
Soulet. — 84 

Soult. Marshal, his pictures. 163 , 
Sourches, Marquis de, 67. 68 
South Sea Company. 3S9 
Southampton. Countess of, 340 ped. 

— French Church, 178, 393, 394 
Southesk. Earl of. See Carnegie 
Southwark, 366 

Souverain, — , 36, 38 

Spain. Constitutionalist operations in 

(1830), 370 
Spain, G. R. B., elected, 295 
Spaniards, incursion bv, on Calais, 


Spedding, 369 
Spilman. Elizabeth. ISO 

— John, papermaker. 179-196, 199 
Spitalfields. See under London 
Spottiswoode. Elizabeth, 92 

— James, Bishop of Clobber, 92 
Spranger. Mr., 316 

Sprigge. Richard, papermaker, 203. 

Spycer, Edward. 211 
Stael, Madame de, 333 
Staines, 205, 206 
Stamford, 265 

— Earl of. 269 
Stanfield, Clarkson, 160 note 
Stanwell, paper mill at. 193. 215 
State of French Protestants a iter 1635. 

by C. E. Lart, 249-263 
Stehelin, Jean Pierre, 26, 30. 52, 5." 
Stenning, Edward. 340 ped. 

— Mary Louisa, 340 ped. 

Stepney Church. See under London 
, Sterky, Alexandre, 21, 47 
j Stevenage, paper mill at. 17^ note 
j Stevenson. Helen, 34b ped. 
i Stewart, Anthony, 164 
| Dugald. 333 



Stewart, Gertrude Emily, 340 ped. 

— Harry King, 340 ped. 

— Margaret, 164 
Stillingfieet, Bishop, 97 
Stirling. Mrs., her death, 231 
Stoneham, South, paper mills at. 218 
Straffan, 111 

Strawberry Hill, 305 
Style, Robert, 194 
Subremont, — , 137 

— Isaac. 88, 126, 131, 137-139 

— Peter Benjamin, 137 
Sudre, Etienne, 24 
Sully, 278 

Sunderland, Lord, 205 
Superville, Daniel de, Catechism of. 
125, 120 

Surrey, paper manufacture in, 179, 
214, 216 

Susy Boan, Alexandre de, 119, 121, 

Alexandre Frederick, 119 

— — Cp. Boham, de Susy 
Sutherland. Duke of. 384 note 
Sutton, Margaret, 357, 358 

— William, 209, 214-216, 220, 358 
Suwarrow. General, 368 
Swanston family, 312 note 

— Anne, 340 ped. 

— Clement Tudway, 340 ped. 
Sweden, Queen of, enamel portrait of. 


Swinden. Philippe van. 27 
Switzerland, 24, 20, 29, 73 
Swynock, Samuel, 215 

Tachf.r. See Tascher 
Talleyrand, 325 
Tandabaratz, J. de, 82 
Tanus, Alary de. See Alary 
Tapin de Barhay. See Barhay 
Tardy, Elie, 138 

Tascher (Tacher), Rev. Peter de, 33, 

34. 30, 38, 34U ped. 
Tate, William, papermaker, 179 and 


Tavan, Samuel, 24. 30 
Tavernier, — , 84 
Taylor, Jeremiah, 209 

— Watson, his pictures. 100 ; portrait 

of, 160 

Technical education, by Dublin Hu- 
guenots, 125 
Tenison, John, Archbishop, 117 
Terson. Isabeau de, 373 note 

— Sara de. 373 and note 
Tessere, M\, 340 
Testu, — , 86 

There de Fierviile, Marie de, 388 

Theronde, Judith. 391 

— Marthe, 391 

Theronde. Susanne Marie, 133 
Thiers, paper manufacture in, 204 
Thirlby, — . 185 
Thomas, Antoine, 316 

— Maria Diana, 340 ped. 

— Nathanael, 340 ped. 
Thompson. — , serjeant-at-law, 212, 


Thorpe le Soken, 112 
i Thors, Marquis de. 84 
Thoulouze. Moise, 340 
Thouron family, 348 
Thuanus, 278 
Thurcaston, 200, 271 
Thwaites. — , 158 

— General, 163 

— Elizabeth, 157 
Tindall, William, 209 
Toleration. Declaration of, 23 
Toller, Edith. 340 ped, 

— Thomas Northeote, 340 ped. 
\ Tomlin, Miss, elected, 4 

i Torrijos, General, 369 
Tottenham. 344, 345 
Tottyll, Richard, papermaker, 179, 180 
Touche, Dr. La, his collections re the 
French Churches of Dublin, 87, 94 

— M. la, 125 

Touchimbert. Baron de. 83 
: Toulouse. 388 note 

Tournay, 85 
; Toutin, — , enamellist. 355 

— Jean, 349 

; TownshenJ. Lord, 367 
Tranche. La. 357 

— de la, family, 357 

— — their arms, 357 

— Frederick de la, 350-358, 370, 371 

— See also Trench 
Tranchee, La, family, 357 
Treacher family. 312 note 
Trelong. M. du, 243 

Trench family, the, in France and 
Ireland, 356 -372 
. — amis, 371 

— crest, 370 

— pedigree, 370 

— — . 2nd Earl of Clancarty, 360, 361 

— Adam, 358, 370 

— Mrs. E. M. Chenevix, elected, 296 

— Rev. Francis, 357 

— Frederick, 358- 361 

— Frederick, Lord Ashtown, 360-364 

— Jame^, 358 and note, 371 

— John. 358, 359 
; — Margaret, 35.S 

j — Mary, 300 

— Melesina, 364, 367 



Trench, Power, Archbishop of Tuam, 

— Richard, 364. 369 

— Richard Chenevix. 369 

— Thomas, 353, 370 

— William. 358 

— William Power Keating, Earl of 

Clancarty, 359-361 

— See also Tranche, de la 
Trenche family. 370 

Trepaud, Emilia. 374 note, 375 note 

— Colonel John, 375 note 
Trevor. Mr., 212, 213 
Triasnon. See Simon 
Trimby, Edward, 267 

— Sarah, 267 
Tuam, 129, 133 

— Archbishop of, 123, 361, 375 note 
Tudert. Louis de, 343 

Turenne, Vicomte de, enamel por- 
trait of, 351 
Turin, St. Jean de. See St. Jean 
Turner, John. 189, 215 
Turton. Baron of the Exchequer, 216 
Twyford, 271 v.ote 
Tyzacke, John. 217, 218 

Uniformity, Act of. exemption of 

foreign Churches, 103 
Usez, Consistory of, 82 
Usk, 117 

Ussaux, — d\ 82 

— M. d\ 70 
Utrecht, 129 

Vaillaxt, — , 71, 72 ; appointed an 
elder in the Savoy Church, 71 : 
his wife, returns to Paris, 71 ; 
is arrested and committed to the 
Bastille, 72 

— Mme, 82 

— Rev. W. B.. elected. 143 
Valliere, Madame de la, 351 
Yanderbourg. — , 86 
Vandyck, Sir Anthony, 350 
Van Swinden. See Swinden 
Yareiiles, Madeleine, 133 
Varennes, M. de. 79 

Varet, M., 85 
Vassy, - , 26, 28 
Vaughan, William, 182 
Vautier family, 312 note 
Vaux, Catherine de, 218 

— Gerard de, papermaker, 218, 219 

— Jean de, 218 

— Rebecca de, 218 
Venables, 369 

Vendume, Due de, enamel portrait of, 

I Venneville, — de. 84 
! Ver, Peter, 218 

I Verchiere. Jean Marc, 24, 26, 29 

: Verdeille. — de, 84 

| Verdun, 369 

! Vereul, Marie, 99 

i Vermuyden (Vermuden), Adriana, 394 
' — Sir Cornelius, 394 

— John, 394 

I — Katharine, 394 

; — Sarah, 394 

j Vernon, Henry, 377 note 

— Margaret, 377 note 

— Penelope, 377 note 

• Vertot, — de, 86 

i Vesey, John, Archbishop of Tuam, 

— Mary, 375 note 
\ Vevey, 353, 387 

\ Vezelay, 85 
Vial, Dominique, 348 pcd. 
Victoria, Queen, 370 

— — earliest portraits of, 164 
Vigan, 101 

Vignals, Ligonier de. See Ligonier 
; Vignoles (Vignolles), de, family, 379 

— Charles de, 379 note 

— Ernest B., elected, 147 
j — Francoise de, 378 note 

— James (Jacques) Louis de, 379 note, 

381 note 

— Marie des, 135 
Villarnou, Mile, de, 86 

— Mme. de, 74, 84 

: Villars, Malortie de. See Mallortie 
Villette, Charles Louis de, 128, 129, 

; Villiers, M. de, 260-262 
Vincent. — . papermaker, 201 

— M., 253 

j — Pierre, 24 
Vinchon des Vceux. See Vceux 
Vintrou, John Lewis Duponcet, 377 

Vion, Mme., 71, 84 
Virasel, — de, 85 
Virginia, refugees to, 387 

• Viridet, Abraham, 115, 113, 121. 127 

— Lady Dorothy, 99 
: — Jacob, 99 

1 — Moses (Moyse), 99, 101, 111 

— Susanne Eleanor, 99 
Vitre, 392 

Vittoria, battle of, 162 
| Vivian, Marv, 115 
; Vceux, M. des, 122, 128, 259 
j — Antoine Vinchon des, 134, 136, 

; Vories, Anne Marianne, 343 ped. 



Vories, Auguste Antoine des, 343 ped. 

— Charlotte ties, 348 ped. 

— Jean Theodore des, MSped. 

— Louis Francois des, 348 ped. 

— Louis Theodore des. 348 ped. 

— Pierre des. 348 ped. 

— Suzanne Marie des, 348 ped. 

— Theoiore des, 259 

— Theophile Jaques des, 343 ped. 
Voy, 85, 86 

Yoyer d'Argenson family, 392 
Vrilliere, Due de la, 259", 200 
Vuillemin, Pierre Louis, 36 

Wagner, Henry, F.S.A., Note on the 
Fourdrinicr family and Cardinal \ 
Newman, by, 391. 

— The family of Ligonier, bv, 373- ' 


— Some Romilly notes, with pedigree, j 

by, 340-347 

— Tlie Worthies associated with the j 

original administration of the 
Boislin Trust, by, 335-390 " 
Walker, Amelia, 340 ped. 

— Mrs. Frowd, elected, 224 

— James, 340 ped. 

Waller, W.Q., F.S.A., Early Huguenot 
Friendly Societies, by, 280-290 

Walloon settlements under the 
Tudors, 177 

W\Jpole, Horace. 3F5 

— Sir Robert, 366 ; broadside on, 


Wilsham, Elizabeth, 3i0 jxd. 

— John, 340 
Walthamstow, 387 
Wandsworth, 291, 391 

— French Protestant Church in, 57 

— refugees at, 205 

— paper mill3, 205 

Ward, Dr. Allan Ogier, elected, 3 

— Mr., 212. 213 

— Mrs., elected, 299 
Wareham, 330, 340 ped. 
Waterford. Bishop of, 127, 361. 364, ! 


— diocese of, 366-368 

— French Church at, 366 

— French refugees at, 366 

— precentorship of cathedral of, 92 
Watson, Sir William, 317 

Webb, Mrs., her death, 231 

Wellington, the Duke of, 162 

W 7 ells, John, 205 

Went worth. Lord. See Noel 

Wesel. 129 

Wesley, Charles, 311 

— John, 59, 311 

WesLsll, Abraham, papermaker, 203 ! 

West, James. 211 

— John, 205, 211 

— Richard, 211 
Westminster, 340 ped. 

— Dean of, 370 

— Durham House Chapel, 19 

— election (1818), 335, 337, 338 

— French Churches of, 90, 91. And 

see under London 

— Hungerford Market House, 34 

— Monmouth House, Soho Square, 

36, 37 

— Newport Market House, 43, 44 

— St. James's Palace, Friary Chapel, 

46, 47 

— St. James's parish, chapel of ease 

to, 42 

— St. Mary's, Charing Cross Road, 22 

— Savoy Palace, French congregation 

worshipping in, 19 

— Seven Dials, view of, 159 

— Somerset House, 15 

— Spring Gardens, 388 

— Streets : Adelphi Terrace, 19 ; 

Albemarle Street, 387 ; Berwick 
Street, 37, 39, 42: Bond Street, 
382 note; Castle Street, St. 
Martin's Lane, 35 ; Court of 
Requests in, 35 ; Charing Cross 
Road, 35 ; Cockspur Street, 23 ; 
Edward Street, between Berwick 
and Wardour Streets, 22; Frying 
Pan Alley (now Tyler's Court), 
37 ; Hemmings Row, 35 ; John 
Street, Adelphi. 19 ; Little Chapel 
Street, 39, 42 ; Maid Place, 39 ; 
Moor Street, 35 ; Newport Market, 
21, 48, 49 ; Orange Strept. Leices- 
ter Fields, 25 ; Pall Mall. 205 ; 
Queen Square, 335 : Robert 
Street, Adelphi, 19; St. Pefers 
Court, St. Martin's Lane, 49 ; 
Soho, 59, 157, 158; Soho, Dean 
Street, 389 ; Soho. Frith Street, 
311, 313 ; Soho, Hog Lane (after- 
wards Church Street), 22 ; Soho, 
Milk Alley (afterwards Little 
Dean Street), 27, 37, 58 ; Swallow 
Street, Piccadilly, 25, 33 ; West 
Street, 43, 44 ; York Street, 
chapel in, 33. 

— Weld House, Soho, 43, 44 

— Whitehall Palace, enamellers in, 

350 ; Reubens' ceiling, 161 
Wetenhail, Edward, 117 
Wexford, French congregation at, 


Wheler, Rev. Sir George, 52; his 

tabernacle, 52 
Whitbread, Samuel, 330, 334 

O G 



White Papermakers' Company. See 

London, Papermakers' Company j 
Whitefield, George, 59, oil 
Whitshed, Thomas, 103, 104 

— William, Lord Chief Justice of j 

Ireland, 104 
Wilberforce, Samuel. 329, 332 
Wilkes, John. M.P., 320 • 
William III., King of England, grants } 

use of Friary Chapel, St. James's 

Palace, to French refugees, 


— French sailors in his ships (16 88) 


— and Mary, King and Queen of 
England, grant Monmouth House 
Chapel to refugees. 36 

William IV., King of England, 384 note 

William II., Emperor of Germany. 

enamel portrait of, 355 
Williams, Sir William. 212 
Williamson. — , 34 S ped. 

— Lettiee, 348 ped. 
Willink family, 312 note 
Wilson, Mrs., elected, 205 

— George, 333 

— Richard, 158 

Windsor, Dean and Canons of, 209, 

Wonder, — , picture by, 160 

Worcestershire, paper manufacture in. 
178, 194 

Wraisbury, 205, 206 

Wycombe, Chipping, paper manufac- 
ture at, 208-210 

Wyggeston family, 270 



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Uncpxmot Jloctefg of Benson 

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Huguenots in the Bastille . . . . ~ 60 

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Annual . . . . . ... . 147 

Presidential Address . . ? .. . .150 

William Seguter, First Keeper of the National 

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Catholics and Huguenots in the Calaisis in 16 12 237 
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Jean Petitot . 


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Vol. VIII. 

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Vol. V., Part III. and Index . . . -. . ' i : 

Vol VI. — Despatches of Michele Suriano and Marc' Antonio 
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1560-1563 . . . .. ' • . . • .II 

Vol VII.— Registers of the French Conformed Churches of 

St. Patrick and St. Mary, Dublin 1 . p. . .13 

Vol. VIII. — Letters of Denization and Acts .of Naturalisation 

for Aliens in England, 1509-1603 . . . .. . 1 1 

Vol. IX. — Registers of the French Church of Threadneedle 

Street, London. Vol. I. . . . , . . .1 1 

Vol. X. — Lists of Aliens Resident in London, Henry VIII. to 

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Vol. X., Part II. .... . . . . . . . .ri 

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Vol. XII, — Register of the Dutch Church, Colchester . . o ro 

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Street, London. Vol. II. . . . . . .11 

Vol. XIV.— Registers of the French Nonconformist Churches, 

Dublin . ... ... . , . . • o 15 

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Vol. XVI. — Registers of the French Church of Threadneedle 
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Vol. XVII. — Register of the French Church, Thorney . .010 

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for Aliens in England, 1603-1802. [In the press. 

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